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ELECTIONS ANTICIPEES: 3 NOVEMBRE
Elections anticipées: 3 novembre
- La Turquie se prépare à des élections au résultat incertain
- L'adhésion à l'Union européenne, au coeur de la crise turque (ANALYSE)
- Cem a démissionné,un euro-sceptique à la tête de la diplomatie
- Près de deux mois et demi de crise gouvernementale en Turquie (CHRONOLOGIE)
- Le gouvernement de plus en plus minoritaire
- Les islamistes modérés sont donnés favoris des élections
- Ecevit met en garde contre un succès des islamistes
- Turkey Has New Party for November Election
- New formation of Ismail Cem already at an impasse
LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM
- La 92e mort dans la résistance des prisonniers politiques
- TIHV Report on 6-Month Human Rights Violations
- Conseil de l'Europe: "Toujours des tortures en Turquie"
- Nouveau rapport européen sur les prisons turques de type F
- Mauvais traitements: Ankara reconnaît une nouvelle fois ses torts
- Despite lifting OHAL, still dark clouds in the region
- Important cases await beginning of new judicial year
- Human Rights violations in brief
PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA
- Liberté de la presse: la Turquie condamnée par la Cour européenne
- La Turquie s'engage une nouvelle fois à faire plus pour la liberté d'expression
- Raid on the weekly Atilim's office
- RSF warns tourists of censorship in Turkey
- CGD: "Censorship continues in Turkey"
- Famous Turkish singer on flag 'insult' charge
- Violations of thought freedom in brief
FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES
- La Turquie met $ 175 millions dans le projet d'avion américain JSF
- La Turquie va confier la modernisation de ses hélicoptères à Israël
QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION
- "Objectionable Names Committees" to be established
- La question kurde dans le rapport de l'OSCE
- Trois ans et trois mois de prison pour un haut responsable du PKK
- Cour européenne: Ankara doit verser près de 24.000 euros à une Kurde
- Ankara reconnaît ses torts et indemnise les victimes kurdes
- Kurdish Question in Brief
MINORITES / MINORITIES
- Confiscation of "The Culture of Pontus"
- Funeral of Turkey's chief rabbi
SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC
- La Banque Mondiale accorde un prêt de 300 M USD à la Turquie
- Le FMI inquiet des tensions politiques
- Inondations: 34 morts, 5 personnes toujours portées disparues
- Incendie d'Izmit: 2 blessés, la prolifération industrielle en cause
AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS
- Turkey: Battle of the headscarf
- Trois policiers et un extrémiste islamiste tués dans une fusillade
- Investigation against a foundation
- Le principal dirigeant islamiste poursuivi pour fraudes
- Frein à la construction des mosquées en Turquie
- Religious affairs in brief
RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST
- L'UE pas encore disposée à négocier une entrée de la Turquie
- Turkish Army's list of the countries "supporting terrorism"
RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS
- Autorisation à des firmes turques petrolières en Irak
- 5.000 km en vélosolex pour dénoncer l'embargo contre l'Irak
- La Turquie condamne l'assassinat de Haji Abdul Qadir
- La crise politique en Turquie nourrit le pessimisme des Chypriotes-grecs
- Crise politique en Turquie: Erevan espère poursuivre le dialogue avec Ankara
- Pour renverser Saddam, les USA cherchent le soutien d'Ankara
- Ecevit appelle Washington à un dialogue étroit sur l'Irak
- Chypre: deuil au sud et fête au nord, 28 ans après l'intervention turque
- Athènes n'a pas d'information "jusque là" sur l'extrême-gauche turque en Grèce
- Le MGK débat d'une éventuelle frappe américaine en Irak
- "Water Crisis" to Hit Turkey by 2020
IMMIGRATION / MIGRATION
- Onze immigrés clandestins arrêtés en Bulgarie
- "Mehmet" autorisé à revenir en Allemagne pour un procès
- Un bateau arraisonné avec 201 immigrants clandestins à bord
Le parlement turc a adopté mercredi à une très large majorité la date du 3 novembre 2002 pour des élections législatives anticipées, après avoir été convoqué en session extraordinaire. Le texte a été approuvé par 449 voix pour et 62 contre, avec 514 députés présents sur un total de 550 sièges et 3 abstentions.
De cette manière, le scrutin normalement prévu pour avril 2004 est avancé de près de 18 mois, et ne déroge pas à une habitude prise depuis 1983 en Turquie qui veut qu'aucune législature n'aille à son terme.
Cette approbation massive isole un peu plus le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, 77 ans, seul avec son parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) à s'être opposé au choix des urnes alors que ses deux partenaires de la coalition, comme l'ensemble des formations d'opposition, le réclamaient.
C'est le parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP, première formation représentée au Parlement) qui a demandé la réunion du Parlement pour convoquer des élections.
C'est sous la menace de la démission de son principal partenaire de la coalition, le MHP, que M. Ecevit a finalement concédé des élections anticipées à l'automne, mais même depuis, et malgré la perte de la majorité de son gouvernement au Parlement, il n'a eu de cesse d'éviter cette échéance.
Le parti de M. Ecevit a perdu quasiment la moitié de ses députés, fragilisant la coalition gouvernementale, après l'absence de M. Ecevit de son bureau depuis début mai pour raisons de santé et le blocage des réformes pro-européennes en raison des résistances des ultranationalistes au pouvoir.
Jusqu'à mardi, le Premier ministre a cependant refusé d'accepter l'éventualité de quitter ses fonctions, malgré des appels répétés en ce sens de l'opposition comme des milieux d'affaires.
"Si Dieu le veut, le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK, islamiste) remportera les élections et arrivera seul au pouvoir", s'est empressé de commenter son président Recep Tayyip Erdogan sur la chaîne d'informations continues NTV.
La décision de tenir des élections à l'automne devrait réduire la crise politique qui sévit depuis 3 mois, et les marchés ont réagi favorablement à cette annonce dès la semaine dernière, après plus de deux mois de dépression et d'appels à la démission d'un chef de gouvernement malade et absent de son bureau.
Mais la perspective d'une victoire, majoritaire ou pas, des formations religieuses, rappelle le passage au pouvoir du premier Premier ministre islamiste de la République turque, Necmettin Erbakan, en 1996, qui fut poussé à la démission par la pression de l'Armée avant d'être banni de politique pour "activités anti-laïques".
Depuis plusieurs jours, pour justifier son opposition à avancer le scrutin, M. Ecevit a évoqué le danger que le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK) puisse arriver au pouvoir et mettre en danger les fondements laïcs de la République turque, suscitant une tension avec l'Armée qui s'en dit garante.
Tous les sondages donnent gagnantes les deux formations islamistes représentées au Parlement, le parti AK et le parti du Bonheur (Saadet), totalisant actuellement 101 députés sur 550.
La décision d'appeler les électeurs aux urnes à l'automne intervient dans un contexte de profonde préoccupation d'Ankara quant à la possibilité d'une attaque américaine contre l'Irak et le régime de Saddam Hussein, alors que la Turquie, proche alliée des Etats-Unis et membre de l'OTAN, y est opposée.
Selon la presse turque de mercredi, la probabilité de cette intervention militaire évoquée depuis longtemps par Washington pourrait obliger Ankara à annuler ces élections anticipées, aux termes d'un article de la Constitution qui stipule que le scrutin est repoussé d'une année en cas de guerre. (AFP, 31 juillet 2002)
Quel partis seront en lice le 3 novembre?
Neuf partis représentés actuellement à l'Assemblée nationale:
Au pouvoir:
Parti d'action nationaliste(MHP), Devlet Bahceli, extrême-droite,
126 sièges, au gouvernement,
Parti de la Mère-Patrie (ANAP), Mesut Yilmaz, centre-droite,
79 sièges
Parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP), Bülent Ecevit, gauche
nationaliste, 65 sièges,
A l'opposition:
Parti de la Juste Voie (DYP), Tansu Ciller, centre-droite, 85 sièges
Parti de la Turquie Nouvelle (YTP), Ismail Cem, centriste, 61 sièges
Parti de la Justice et du Dévelopement (AKP), Tayyip Erdogan,
islamiste, 53 sièges,
Parti du Bonheur (SP) de Recai Kutan, islamiste, 46 sièges,
Parti Social-Démocrate (TDP) de Sema Piskinsut, centre-gauche,
3 sièges
Parti de la Grande Union (BBP) de Muhsin Yazicioglu, extrême-droite
et islamiste, 2 sièges
Huit partis à l'extérieur du parlement:
Parti républicain du peuple (CHP), Deniz Baykal, centre-gauche
Parti de la Démocratie du peuple (HADEP), Murat Bozlak,
fort représentatif dans le Kurdistan
Parti de la Liberté et de la Solidarité (ÖDP), Ufuk
Uras, gauche marxiste
Parti Ouvrier (IP), Dogu Perincek, Atatürkiste
Parti du Travail du Peuple (EMEP), Levent Tüzel, gauche marxiste
Parti démocrate libéral (LDP), Besim Tibuk, centre-droite
Parti Communiste de Turquie (TKP), Aydemir Güler, gauche marxiste
Parti de la Turquie Démocrate (DTP), Mehmet Ali Bayar, centre-droite
Quatre nouveaux partis dont la participation n'est pas sûre
Parti populiste social-démocrate (SHP), Murat Karayalcin, centre-gauche
Parti de la République Indépendante (BCP), Mümtaz
Soysal, Atatürkiste
Parti de la Democratie républicaine (CDP), Yekta Güngör
Özden, Atatürkiste
Parti Jeune (GP), Cem Uzan, extrême-droite
La Turquie se prépare à des élections au résultat incertain
Les élections anticipées, avant 2004, semblent pourtant l'unique issue à la crise, et tout est désormais question de temps --de semaines, voire de mois.
Pour les milieux d'affaires et les marchés, ce scénario est franchement préférable à la confusion dans laquelle navigue le pays, sans chef à la barre depuis que la santé de M. Ecevit s'est visiblement détériorée début mai.
Dans cette perspective, chacun affûte ses armes et se positionne autour de quatre pôles: les modernistes pro-européens de l'ex chef de la diplomatie Ismail Cem, les ultra-nationalistes, les islamistes, et le centre-droit classique incarné par Mme Tansu Ciller.
La grande inconnue est le résultat d'un tel scrutin, d'autant que les sondages ne sont pas toujours fiables en Turquie, souvent dirigés par des groupes d'intérêt.
Ils donnent en tête les islamistes, qui bénéficieraient de l'écoeurement d'une population plongée depuis plus d'un an dans une grave crise économique, en particulier la nouvelle formation de l'ex-maire d'Istanbul, le populaire Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Cette éventualité donne des sueurs froides à l'establishment pro-laïque et l'armée, déjà intervenue en 1997 pour chasser du pouvoir le Premier ministre islamiste Necmettin Erbakan
La troïka formée par M. Cem, le ministre de l'Economie Kemal Dervis, ancien vice-président de la Banque mondiale, et l'ex-bras droit de M. Ecevit, Husamettin Ozkan, qui s'est subitement retourné contre lui, apparaît comme une solution idéale pour remettre la Turquie sur les rails de l'Europe et garantir la poursuite des réformes économiques requises par le Fonds monétaire international (FMI) pour sortir le pays de la crise.
Mais le futur parti de M. Cem n'est pas encore constitué et si les Turcs sont majoritairement favorables à l'Union européenne, il est difficile de dire s'il pourra en quelques mois s'implanter et bouleverser les allégeances et affiliations d'électeurs aux réflexes souvent claniques.
Les trois partis de la coalition au pouvoir étaient donnés perdants par les sondages, voire même hors du parlement.
Pourtant, la tactique des ultra nationalistes du parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP) qui a toujours consisté à prendre ses distances du gouvernement tout en faisant partie, pourrait s'avérer payante. Leur chef Devlet Bahceli a réitéré haut et fort ces derniers mois son hostilité aux réformes requises pour adhérer à l'UE.
Enfin, la dirigeante du parti d'opposition de la Juste Voie (DYP, centre droit) Tansu Ciller espère tirer avantage de la déconfiture du gouvernement. Déjà, l'hémorragie des députés du parti de M. Ecevit fait de sa formation la deuxième au parlement derrière le MHP. (AFP, Florence BIEDERMANN, 14 juillet 2002)
L'adhésion à l'Union européenne, au coeur de la crise turque
La mise en place des réformes nécessaires pour entrer dans l'Union européenne (UE), qui suscite des oppositions dans le gouvernement de coalition, est au coeur de la crise politique que traverse actuellement la Turquie, déjà durement touchée dans son économie.
Au plan politique, les grandes manoeuvres ont commencé lundi à Ankara quand Husamettin Ozkan, l'homme de confiance du Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit, a démissionné de son poste de vice-Premier ministre et du parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) de M. Ecevit. Cinq autres ministres et plusieurs députés ont fait de même.
Selon le scénario avancé par les observateurs, ces démissionnaires auraient l'intention de former un nouveau parti, en cherchant à attirer dans leurs rangs deux poids-lourds de la vie politique turque, le ministre des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem et le ministre de l'Economie Kemal Dervis, avec l'objectif d'en finir avec le gouvernement actuel et mettre ainsi fin à la crise.
L'orientation traditionnellement pro-occidentale de la Turquie est d'importance, à la fois pour l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis. Ce pays, majoritairement musulman mais strictement laïque, est vu comme un allié fidèle de l'Otan, à la croisée des chemins entre la poudrière du Proche-Orient, les Balkans et le Caucase riche en pétrole.
Pour la Turquie elle-même, l'avancement de son dossier d'adhésion à l'UE renforcerait sa crédibilité internationale, ce qui, pour beaucoup, aiderait une économie en crise en encourageant les investissements étrangers.
"L'objectif est un gouvernement d'Union européenne", affirmait mercredi à la Une le journal Hurriyet selon qui les démissionnaires cherchent à former un nouveau gouvernement, avec l'appui de l'opposition, pour mettre en place les réformes demandées par l'UE, puis convoquer des élections anticipées en avril 2003.
Candidate à l'UE depuis décembre 1999, la Turquie espère obtenir une date pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion. Mais elle doit avant cela remplir les critères politiques dits de Copenhague sur le respect des droits de l'Homme et de la démocratie, notamment l'abolition de la peine de mort et l'octroi de droits culturels aux Kurdes.
Or, la mise en place de ces réformes est au point mort, en raison d'une part de la maladie de M. Ecevit qui depuis deux mois s'est éloigné des affaires, tout en refusant de démissionner, et d'autre part l'opposition du partenaire de la coalition, le parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP, ultranationaliste) du vice-Premier ministre Devlet Bahceli.
La Turquie, seul parmi les 13 pays candidats à ne pas avoir commencé les négociations d'adhésion avec l'UE, s'est elle-même imposée d'avoir un calendrier d'ici la fin de l'année car elle craint d'être sinon éliminée du calendrier d'élargissement, renvoyant ainsi son adhésion aux calendes grecques. Le premier groupe de nouveaux-venus -- jusqu'à 10 -- doit rejoindre l'UE en 2004.
"La Turquie se trouve à un tournant historique", écrit le Milliyet qui ajoute que "Ecevit n'a ni le pouvoir ni la volonté de lancer une initiative sur la question" des réformes.
Tous les regards se tournent maintenant vers MM. Cem et Dervis, fervents partisans de l'adhésion.
"Nous devons accélérer le processus de candidature et mettre la Turquie sur des rails sans possibilité de retour. C'est très important pour l'économie", a ainsi affirmé mardi M. Dervis après une rencontre avec M. Cem.
Les trois principaux partis d'opposition ont de leur côté affirmé leur soutien à la mise en place des réformes, si des élections anticipées étaient convoquées. (AFP, 10 juillet 2002)
Cem a démissionné, un euro-sceptique à la tête de la diplomatie
Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem a démissionné de son poste et a quitté le parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) du Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, au bord de l'effondrement, a-t-il dit dans une déclaration écrite envoyée à l'agence semi-officielle turque Anatolie.
"J'ai démissionné de mon poste au gouvernement et du DSP", annonce M. Cem, soulignant qu'il en expliquerait les motifs et ses plans pour l'avenir lors d'une conférence de presse vendredi.
Le départ du gouvernement de M. Cem, homme politique respecté, devrait porter un coup fatal au gouvernement en crise de M. Ecevit qui est confronté à la fronde de ses députés, déclenchée lundi par la démission de son ex-bras droit, l'ancien vice-Premier ministre Husamettin Ozkan.
M. Cem, 62 ans, était à la tête du ministère des Affaires étrangères depuis 1997.
M. Ecevit, 77 ans, absent de la vie politique depuis plus de deux mois à cause de sa mauvaise santé, est acculé à la démission face à l'érosion de son parti, abandonné par 37 députés, dont sept ministres, depuis lundi.
M. Cem peut entraîner avec lui plusieurs autres députés qui lui sont fidèles et compromettre la majorité du gouvernement au parlement, soulignaient jeudi matin les éditorialistes de la presse turque.
Le départ attendu de M. Cem, diplomate avisé, devrait réduire la crédibilité de la Turquie à l'étranger au moment où elle oeuvre en vue d'obtenir d'ici décembre une date de l'Union européenne (UE) pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion.
M. Cem est perçu par les observateurs comme le futur chef d'un
nouveau parti politique qui serait créé par les démissionnaires
du DSP, avec M. Ozkan, mais aussi avec le ralliement, à terme, du
ministre de l'Economie Kemal Dervis. (AFP, 11 juillet 2002)
un
Après la démission de Cem, le Premer ministre Ecevit a nommé ministre des Affaires étrangères Sukru Sina Gurel, homme politique expérimenté réputé être un euro-sceptique, alors que son pays tente de décrocher une date de l'Union européenne pour entamer des négociations d'adhésion.
M. Gurel, 52 ans, un professeur de relations internationales, avait déjà été nommé vice-Premier ministre mardi. Il remplace aux Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem, qui a démissionné jeudi.
Avant d'être nommé vice-Premier ministre, M. Gurel, considéré comme un faucon et un euro-sceptique, était ministre d'Etat chargé de l'épineux dossier chypriote.
Interrogé sur les réticences connues de M. Gurel concernant une intégration turque à l'Union européenne, à laquelle la Turquie est candidate depuis décembre 1999, M. Ecevit a répondu: "M. Gurel souhaite aussi absolument une intégration à l'UE, mais il y a des nuances dans ses idées".
"Je suis convaincu que ses résistances sur certains points, qui parfois peuvent être justifiées, ne vont jamais aller jusqu'au point de faire fermer à l'UE ses portes à la Turquie", a-t-il conclu.
Interviewé mercredi par NTV, M. Gurel s'est dit pour une adhésion à terme de son pays à l'UE "en prenant en considération les intérêts de la Turquie", notamment au sujet de Chypre.
M. Gurel n'est pas opposé à ce que la Turquie améliore son bilan négatif en matière des droits de l'Homme, mais a souvent émis des doutes sur la "sincérité" des relations des Quinze avec la Turquie. (AFP, 11-12 juillet 2002)
Près de deux mois et demi de crise gouvernementale en Turquie
Le gouvernement de coalition tripartite du Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a perdu mardi la majorité au parlement avec la démission de six nouveaux députés de son parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP).
M. Ecevit est cependant revenu sur l'idée qu'il pourrait démissionner si sa coalition perdait la majorité sans attendre le dépôt d'une motion de censure de l'opposition, dans des déclarations à la presse publiées mardi.
La stabilité du gouvernement est cruciale au moment où la Turquie met en oeuvre un programme strict d'ajustement dicté par le Fonds monétaire international (FMI) pour sortir d'une grave crise économique, et où elle tente d'accélérer son processus d'adhésion à l'Union européenne (UE).
4 mai - Le Premier ministre, âgé de 77 ans, est hospitalisé à Ankara, pour une "simple infection intestinale". Il quitte l'hôpital le lendemain.
10 mai - Bulent Ecevit assure qu'il est en bonne santé et exclut de démissionner, rejetant des appels à prendre sa retraite. Cinq jours plus tard il prolonge pour la deuxième fois sa convalescence, sans donner de date de retour.
17 mai - Le premier ministre est hospitalisé pour au moins une semaine, provoquant une chute de la Bourse d'Istanbul de 5,4% à la clôture.
20 mai - La santé de M. Ecevit s'améliore selon ses médecins, qui précisent qu'il s'est fracturé une côte et souffre d'un début de thrombophlébite (inflammation d'une veine) à la jambe gauche.
21 mai - Bulent Ecevit et ses deux partenaires de coalition: le chef du parti de l'Action nationaliste MHP Devlet Bahceli (ultra-nationaliste) et celui de la Mère patrie ANAP, Mesut Yilmaz (centre-droit), rejettent les appels à des élections anticipées, avant la date prévue de 2004.
30 mai - Bulent Ecevit, convalescent, ne peut pas participer à une importante réunion du Conseil national de sécurité portant sur les réformes que doit réaliser la Turquie pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion avec l'UE. La Bourse d'Istanbul clôture en baisse de 2,5%, son niveau le plus bas de l'année.
7 juin - Le Premier ministre, absent depuis plus d'un mois, doit renoncer à participer à un sommet crucial des chefs de partis politiques pour tenter de dynamiser le processus de réformes pour intégrer l'UE.
9 juin - Bulent Ecevit réapparait devant les journalistes pour la première fois en dix jours et exclut une nouvelle fois une démission malgré sa santé défaillante.
10 juin - Un conseil des ministres, le premier depuis six semaines, censé démontrer que la coalition tripartite continue à travailler normalement, se tient en l'absence de M. Ecevit. La Bourse d'Istanbul passe sous la barre psychologique des 10.000 points.
20 juin - Les médecins du Premier ministre turc lui conseillent de poursuivre sa convalescence et il annule deux rendez-vous: la réunion hebdomadaire de son parti et la rencontre avec Mme Tansu Ciller, dirigeante du parti d'opposition de la Juste voie (DYP, centre-droit).
25 juin - Pour la première fois, des députés du parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) du Premier ministre l'appellent implicitement à démissionner.
27 juin - Bulent Ecevit participe pour la première fois depuis près de deux mois à une réunion politique des députés de son parti, alors que sa convalescence doit encore été prolongée à cause d'un problème de vertèbre. - Après avoir déclaré que des "élections se profilent à l'horizon", il revient sur ces propos, affirmant qu'il a été "mal compris" et excluant "catégoriquement" un scrutin législatif avant la date prévue en 2004.
7 juil - Le vice-Premier ministre ultranationaliste Devlet Bahceli, propose la tenue d'élections anticipées en novembre afin de mettre un terme à la crise.
8 juil - Husamettin Ozkan, l'homme de confiance de Bulent Ecevit, démissionne de son poste de vice-Premier ministre, suivi dans cette démarche de deux autres ministres et d'une vingtaine de députés du parti de M. Ecevit.
9 juil - Les démissions continuent avec au total trente-quatre députés. Le Premier ministre refuse de nouveau de démissionner et nomme trois nouveaux ministres.
10 juil - Bulent Ecevit reconnaît la possibilité d'élections anticipées pour tenter de résoudre la crise.
11 juil - Le ministre des Affaires étrangères, Ismail Cem démissionne de son poste et annonce quitter le DSP. - Le minitre de l'Economie et du Trésor, Kemal Dervis, démissionne de son poste avant de revenir peu après sur sa décision - Bulent Ecevit appelle les députés qui ont quitté en masse ces derniers jours son parti à réintégrer leur formation.
12 juil - Ismail Cem annonce, lors d'une conférence de presse, la formation d'un nouveau mouvement politique en collaboration avec Kemal Dervis et Husamettin Ozkan.
15 juil - Le parti du Premier ministre devient la quatrième formation en nombre de sièges à l'Assemblée avec la démission de 53 députés depuis le 8 juillet. (AFP, 16 juillet 2002)
Le gouvernement de plus en plus minoritaire
Le gouvernement est devenu de plus en plus minoritaire, avec la défection de 3 députés du parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) de M. Ecevit, et ne détenait plus que 272 sièges sur 550, pour une majorité de 276.
Le DSP compte ainsi 66 députés, derrière le parti d'opposition de la Juste voie (DYP) de Mme Tansu Ciller (85 sièges), et ses partenaires gouvernementaux le parti de l'Action nationaliste (MHP) de Devlet Bahceli (127 sièges), et le parti de la Mère patrie (ANAP) du vice-Premier ministre Mesut Yilmaz (79 sièges).
Depuis le début de la révolte contre M. Ecevit le 8 juillet, 62 députés DSP, dont 7 ministres, ont démissionné.
L'opposition, si elle veut renverser le gouvernement, doit déposer une motion de censure et réunir une majorité. Or elle ne détient que 265 sièges, 13 autres étant vacants pour cause de décès.
En outre, la perspective d'élections en novembre, qui pourraient signer la disparition du parlement du DSP et de l'ANAP, peut rendre une telle manoeuvre inutile à ses yeux.
Le gouvernement ambitionne en outre de faire adopter par le parlement, convoqué en session extraordinaire le 1er septembre poru décider des élections, des réformes requises pour intégrer l'Union européenne avant les législatives, a indiqué M. Ecevit au journal Sabah paru mercredi.
"Les leaders (des trois partis de la coalition) se sont mis d'accord sur ce point. Ces lois seront adoptées avant les élections législatives", a-t-il affirmé, fisant référence à l'abolition de la peine de mort et l'octroi de droits culturels aux Kurdes.
Mais leur adoption est loin d'être acquise, car M. Ecevit doit rallier le soutien de l'opposition puisque son partenaire MHP s'y oppose.
Dans cette situation incertaine, le secrétaire adjoint américain à la Défense Paul Wolfowitz a passé deux jours à Ankara pour chercher le soutien de la Turquie à une éventuelle opération contre l'Irak, affirmant la détermination de son pays de renverser le régime de Saddam Hussein.
Il a cependant affirmé que son administration n'avait pas encore pris de décision, ni demandé à Ankara d'en prendre une, lors d'une conférence de presse avant son départ de Turquie.
"Nous ne sommes pas venus chercher une décision du gouvernement turc, mais pour profiter des points de vue de la Turquie", a-t-il ajouté
La Turquie a expliqué à M. Wolfowitz pourquoi elle redoutait une option militaire, craignant la création d'un Etat kurde si l'Irak éclate et les répercussions défavorables pour son économie ne crise.
Elle a également réclamé un mécanisme de consultation plus étroit, selon un responsable turc.
Ankara a enfin demandé au numéro deux du Pentagone d'effacer sa dette découlant des ventes d'armes américaines, soit plus de 4 milliards de dollars. (AFP, 17 juillet 2002)
Les islamistes modérés sont donnés favoris des élections
Les islamistes modérés du parti de la Justice et du développement (AK), hantise de l'armée turque pro-laïque, sont donnés favoris par les sondages et bon nombre d'analystes pour les élections anticipées qui devraient se dérouler le 3 novembre.
C'est ce qu'indiquait jeudi encore une étude de l'association patronale Tusiad publiée dans le quotidien Hurriyet.
Le sentiment général diffus, mais encore très spéculatif, est que le parti de l'ex-maire d'Istanbul, le populaire et charismatique Recep Tayyip Erdogan, pourrait arriver en tête du scrutin sans toutefois obtenir de majorité.
Ecoeurés par la grave crise économique qui a pourri leur vie sous la coalition tripartite de Bulent Ecevit, les électeurs à la recherche d'une alternative ont le choix entre l'ex-Premier ministre de centre droit Tansu Ciller, le nouveau parti se voulant pro-européen et moderniste de l'ex chef de la diplomatie Ismail Cem, qui passe pour être bien vu de l'armée, le petit parti de gauche kémaliste CHP, exclu du parlement en 1999, et les islamistes.
AK est né en 2001, de la scission intervenue lorsque le parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet) a été interdit, comme tous ses prédécesseurs. L'autre branche, emmenée par Recai Kutan, est sous l'influence de Necmettin Erbakan, ex-Premier ministre chassé du pouvoir par l'armée en 1997 après un an de coalition avec Mme Ciller.
Les islamistes tentent de se tailler une place sur la scène politique turque depuis des décennies. Mais même si leur score a diminué depuis le départ de M. Erbakan, même si leur discours se fait de plus en plus modéré au point qu'ils refusent l'épithète d'islamistes, l'armée les pourchasse inlassablement, y voyant la principale menace pour l'Etat kémaliste dont elle se pose garant.
"Je ne suis pas islamiste", proclame ainsi régulièrement M. Erdogan, 48 ans, assurant de son respect l'Etat laïque pour tenter d'échapper au couperet.
Yeux bleus, moustache blonde, charismatique, il contredit pourtant ses belles professions de foi libérale et pro-européennes en suggérant par exemple un référendum pour restreindre la libre consommation d'alcool ou en qualifiant de "trahison envers l'Etat" le planning familial.
Déjà, il est harcelé par la justice: la dernière procédure ouverte contre lui, en juin, met en cause l'origine "douteuse" de sa fortune.
"Tayyip", un ancien proche de M. Erbakan, a fait son retour sur la scène politique en 2001, au terme d'une amnistie, après avoir été emprisonné quatre mois et interdit de politique en 1999 pour "incitation à la haine religieuse".
Mais la Cour constitutionnelle avait jugé en avril dernier qu'il ne pouvait bénéficier de cette amnistie, et donc, pas briguer un siège de député. Elle a laissé six mois au parti pour le rayer de ses membres fondateurs, délai qui expire le 21 octobre.
Toutefois, le fait qu'il puisse être son président est resté dans le flou, comme dans bon nombre de décisions de justice en Turquie, laissant planer l'incertitude sur le rôle qu'il pourra jouer pendant les élections.
Comme dans nombre d'autres pays, les islamistes en Turquie ont comme point fort leur travail de proximité avec une population souvent dégoûtée par sa classe politique, perçue comme corrompue et incompétente, et son sentiment religieux --la Turquie est musulmane à plus de 90%.
L'armée turque, dragon de la laïcité, a d'ailleurs elle-même utilisé ce sentiment quand cela l'arrangeait, ouvrant à foison écoles religieuses et mosquées après son coup d'Etat de 1980, 3-ème et dernier en date de l'histoire de la Turquie.
Reste à voir sous quelle forme elle réagirait si jamais AK arrivait en tête du scrutin. (AFP, 18 juillet 2002)
Ecevit met en garde contre un succès des islamistes
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a mis en garde dimanche contre un succès des partis islamiste et pro-kurde lors des élections anticipées, qui engendrerait "de graves problèmes de régime" pour le pays, dans une interview à la télévision d'Etat TRT.
M. Ecevit faisait allusion au Parti pro-kurde de la Démocratie du peuple HADEP, non représenté au parlement, et qui est menacé d'interdiction et au parti d'opposition de la Justice et du Développement (AK), force montante, né de la scission du parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet) interdit l'an passé. Selon les derniers sondages l'AK pourrait arriver en tête en cas d'élections législatives.
"Certains prédisent que l'AK va devenir le premier parti. Et d'autres que le HADEP dépassera la barre des 10 % nécessaires pour entrer au parlement", a déclaré M. Ecevit dans une interview accordée à la TRT.
"Si ces affirmations se réalisent-- et à l'évidence cela est possible dans un environnement démocratique- la Turquie pourrait être confrontée à de très graves problèmes de régime et même à des problèmes allant au delà" a ajouté le Premier ministre turc, opposé aux élections anticipées, fixées au 3 novembre prochain sous la pression de ses partenaires dans la coalition.
Le HADEP est menacé de fermeture, accusé par les autorités de "liens organiques" avec le Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK).
Le PKK qui a mené pendant 15 ans une lutte armée pour obtenir la création d'un Etat kurde dans le sud-est anatolien à majorité kurde a déclaré en 1999 un cessez-le-feu unilatéral. Réorganisé sous le nom de KADEK (Congrès pour la liberté et la démocratie au Kurdistan) il entend lutter avec des moyens démocratiques pour les droits des Kurdes.
La Turquie, musulmane à plus de 90%, est un Etat laïc. L'armée turque voit dans les islamistes la principale menace pour cet Etat laïc dont elle se pose garant. (AFP, 21 juillet 2002)
Turkey Has New Party for November Election
Former Turkish foreign minister Ismail Cem Monday launched a new center-left pro-reform party to fight expected snap elections in November in the crisis-hit NATO country.
Financial markets wary that new turmoil could threaten a vital $16 billion IMF-backed crisis plan dipped, however, on weekend comments by ailing Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit that he viewed polls he agreed to only last week as a danger.
In an apparent about-turn, Ecevit raised the specter of mainstream parties losing votes and parties promoting political Islam and Kurdish separatism setting the tone in a new parliament -- a danger certainly not lost on the powerful army.
Cem, who recently quit the ailing Ecevit's government and Democratic Left Party (DSP), said however that his New Turkey Party was ready for polls; November was the moment.
"Turkey is running out of time," he told a party meeting.
Cem is one of a "Troika" of prominent figures behind the new party, which wants democratic reform, European Union membership and to ease the economic crisis.
Parliament will probably be recalled from summer recess this month or next month to formally call the polls and debate rights reforms needed in coming months to elicit encouragement from the EU in Turkey's bid for membership. An opposition bid to recall parliament Monday failed when it fell short of a quorum.
"We're here because we believe in the worth of our people," Cem told a party meeting. "If we can relieve Turkey, our people, our social institutions and social forces from their hindrances, we can lead Turkey to far-away targets...I hope this great march we have launched will be beneficial for our people."
New Turkey is made up currently of about 60 parliamentary deputies who deserted the DSP amid growing conflict in Ecevit's three-party coalition, furthered by the prime minister's own ill health. It has no national organization and would be hard-pressed to create one in this vast country before November.
It is viewed favorably by financial markets, the EU and NATO allies concerned for the stability of a key ally on the edge of the volatile Middle East.
They hope it can form at least the basis of a united centrist movement capable of wielding power and authority to see through economic and political reform.
At the center of their calculations is a member of the "Troika" still operating in the government, much to the anger of Ecevit's rightist Nationalist Action Party (MHP) partners -- Economy Minister Kemal Dervis, who sealed the IMF pact.
New Turkey may have its constituency, but it could struggle to win votes in rural Anatolia, where both Cem and Dervis could be viewed critically as the men responsible for their suffering. Neither Cem nor Dervis are forceful political orators.
The test for New Turkey is whether it can project itself as a party offering a political talent long absent from Turkish life, rather than, as critics would say, a group of opportunists seeking to save their skins as Ecevit's DSP collapses.
"We will work with our people, our tradesmen, merchants and our workers on one side, to create employment, but without punishing them by creating new taxes on employment and production," Cem said.
Ecevit played on fears existing parties could be "punished" for economic hardship and fail to reach the 10 percent threshold for parliamentary representation. Polls, he said, were a danger.
"I'm not opposing early polls just for the sake of our party," said Ecevit, whose DSP has lost half its deputies.
Markets were not happy with the volte face.
Turkey's stock index, which pulled back from months of steady descent after the agreement to hold early elections, dipped over three percent, and the lira slumped to 1,675,000 to the dollar from Friday's close at 1,667,000.
"The PM's comments about how he would like elections delayed to spring or maybe autumn 2003 give a divided picture among the coalition partners," Batuhan Ozsahin, analyst at Global Securities, said. "We have to really know that elections are going to be held in November." (Reuters, July 22, 2002 By Hidir Goktas)
New formation of Ismail Cem already at an impasse
Members of the new political formation led by ex-foreign minister Ismail Cem seeking to come to power by setting up a new party today, are trying to get over the stalemate they've fallen into.
Although they have received substantial support from local and international business circles, the new political formation has come to understand that it would be a challenging task to emerge as a strong party from the early elections that will most likely be held on November 3. Besides they were targeting to become a party that will both have a considerable number of seats in parliament and a strong say in a potential coalition. But after the thrill of the first days is over, it's now even questioned whether the new party will be able to pass a 10 percent national threshold and make it to parliament.
Having understood that they will not be able to come to power on their own, members of the new political formation are pushing new alliances via Economy Minister Kemal Dervis, who is currently a part of the coalition government. Dervis has met Democratic Turkey Party (DTP) leader Mehmet Ali Bayar and Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal in this context.
Dervis, who wants to be a part of the post-election cabinet and administer the International Monetary Fund (IMF)-backed economic program, has seen that it will be difficult for him to fulfill this mission through the new political formation and he's reportedly unhappy with the present status of the movement.
Dervis's attempts to create a troika in the Democratic Left Party (DSP) together with Cem and former deputy prime minister Husamettin Ozkan failed because of Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit. The ailing premier didn't allow the troika to take control of the party management, while the group moved on to create a new political party.
The troika has initially negotiated with key figures in the center and center right so that it doesn't only target the center-left electorate, but tripped over the barriers set by groups of deputies who defected the DSP. The initial formula was a party that would involve DTP leader Bayar, leading center-right figure Ilhan Kesici and even Motherland Party (ANAP) deputy chairman Erkan Mumcu. But upon reactions from DSP defectors, Cem personally announced that the new formation would evolve into a social democratic party.
But the new formation is trying to attract center votes, having understood that it will not be a strong enough by targeting the total 30 percent electorate in the center left, that is already commanded by DSP and CHP. For that purpose Cem is making religious remarks in his speeches and trying to lure center and center-right votes as well.
Cem said he had no problem with headscarf, while in Kayseri where he was paying his first political visit, he asked for people's prayers. But protests in Kayseri, where the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has strong roots, showed Cem that his remarks did not have much effect. Meanwhile, Cem mentioned a "secularism respectful of humans," a remark used by Ecevit, which aims to show that they have a distance from rigid secularism.
Powerhouses in Turkey have been looking to bring up a strong alternative to the AKP because the existing political parties have seen much erosion. Comments appeared in the media suggesting that the party to be set up by the new formation would be the much-awaited alternative. But even though Cem has made religious remarks in his speeches, it seems difficult for the new party to attract votes from center and center right.
With go-ahead from Cem and Ozkan, Dervis has met CHP leader Deniz Baykal in order to address a wider electorate through the new party. Dervis was expected to join the CHP once the election decision was made, unless he managed to join the DSP after winning Ecevit's approval. Dervis, who has a friendship with Baykal dating back to 1970s, had reportedly made the CHP leader that promise.
But Baykal has criticized Dervis's participation in the troika. During his two and a half hour meeting with Dervis at the CHP headquarters last Wednesday, Baykal reportedly complained of betrayal. Baykal also told Dervis that the new party wouldn't hold and that he was making a mistake by joining the troika. In his public remarks, Baykal also criticized the new political formation and likened it to the DTP which was created by DYOP defectors ahead of the 1999 election. DTP mustered a 0.58 percent vote in the 1999 elections.
Baykal also cautioned Dervis against taking a step that would make him regret when the election results are announced on November 4. "We are both seeking the formation that would produce the best solution in the morning of November 4," Baykal said, referring to the Economy Minister.
Baykal and Dervis have also decided to wait for the results of public opinion polls in the coming month and meet to discuss how they would proceed accordingly. CHP sources said both Baykal and Dervis would start seeking a solution after the outlook becomes clearer. "It could be an alliance," they added.
But the existing Political Parties Law doesn't allow political parties to make alliance in elections. If alliances are enabled through an amendment to the Political Parties Law, then CHP and the new party could go for one. If that doesn't happen, a secret alliance such as the ones created by Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP) and People's Labor Party (HEP), Welfare Party (RP), Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Reformist Democracy Party (IDP) could be possible. In 1991 HEP members entered parliament through an unofficial alliance. In the 1995 elections MHP and IDP deputies entered parliament through RP ranks and defected the party immediately after the elections.
Meanwhile, the CHP sources claimed that Dervis would eventually see that the "new formation" has a slim chance to be successful in the elections and decide to join the CHP ranks. CHP sources said that the visit of Ismail Cem to his constituency, Kayseri where he was with welcomed with applause as well as with protests, revealed that this movement won't become popular in Anatolia.
"Dervis may decide to join the CHP. Surprising developments may take place in the coming days. We have contacts with some of those who resigned from the DSP. They might decide to become a member of the CHP, too," sources said. (Turkish Daily News, July 22, 2002, by Ayla Ganioglu)
LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM
La 92e mort dans la résistance des prisonniers politiques
La grève de la faim qui dure depuis près de deux ans pour protester contre le régime d'isolement carcéral dans les prisons turques a fait une 92e victime le mardi 30 juillet avec le décès d'une prisonnière politique. Semra Basyigit, âgée de 24 ans, est décédée dans un hôpital d'Istanbul après un an de jeûne.
Basyigit était accusée de faire partie du Front-Parti de Libération du Peuple Revolutionnaire (DHKP-C, illégal), mouvance à la tête du mouvement de protestation dans les prisons turques.
La grève a été lancée en octobre 2000 par un millier de prisonniers politiques de gauche pour protester contre l'entrée en service de prisons dites "de type F" où des cellules pour 1 ou 3 détenus remplacent le système des vastes dortoirs. Ils estiment que ce régime d'isolement les expose aux mauvais traitements et les désocialise.
La résistance des prisonniers politique s'est soldée par la mort de 52 détenus ou leurs proches décédés des suites de leur privation.
En décembre 2000, un assaut des forces de gendarmeries pour réduire le mouvement dans une vingtaine de prisons avait fait 32 victimes dont deux gendarmes, et le gouvernement avait alors ouvert quatre de ces nouvelles prisons dites "de type F".
Quatre prisonniers se sont en outre immolés par le feu en soutien aux grévistes et quatre autres personnes ont été tuées lors d'une intervention de la police en novembre dernier contre une maison d'Istanbul occupée par des grévistes.
Les protestataires avancent que le nouveau système désocialise les détenus et les expose aux mauvais traitements des forces de sécurité.
Mais le gouvernement s'est toujours catégoriquement refusé à revenir à l'ancien système, estimant qu'elles étaient la raison de fréquentes et sanglantes mutineries avec prises d'otages dans des prisons régulièrement dénoncées par les Européens pour leurs tristes bilans.
La grève de la faim des proches de détenus contre le régime carcéral à isolement a pris fin le 22 mai, mais une treintaine de détenus poursuivent toujours le mouvement dans leurs prisons, selon l'Association turque des droits de l'Homme (IHD).
Les grévistes de la faim ont considérablement abaissé leurs exigences pour mettre fin à leur grève et sont prêts à accepter un compromis avancé par les chefs des 4 principaux barreaux du pays. Ce compromis, résumé sous la formule, 3 clefs 3 portes, permettrait aux détenus de 3 cellules de 3 détenus (9 personnes), de pouvoir communiquer entre eux pendant huit heures par jour. Toutefois, le ministre de la justice, M. Hikmet Sami Türk, la refuse en invoquant des obstacles de nature technique et sécuritaire.
Actuellement quelque 10.000 des 55.000 détenus que compte la Turquie sont des détenus politiques accusés de terrorisme ou d'appartenance à un parti ou une organisation politiques illégaux.
Le premier ministre Ecevit (DSP), le chef de l'Etat-major des forces armées le général Kivrikoglu --également l'homme fort du Conseil de la Sûreté nationale (MGK)--, les vice-premiers ministres Devlet Bahçeli (MHP, néo-fasciste) et Mesut Yilmaz (ANAP, de droite) ainsi que le ministre de la Justice Hikmet Sami Türk (DSP) sont les responsables principaux de la mort des dizaines des prisonniers politiques dans ce pays au seuil de l'Union européenne. (Info-Türk, 30 juillet 2002)
TIHV Report on 6-Month Human Rights Violations
The Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), on July 11, 2002, issued the following report on the violations of human rights in Turkey, entitled Torture, Deaths in Detention, Cases of "Disappearance" and Summary Executions Still Continue.
The monitoring of our Documentation Center on deaths in detention and/or prisons, cases of "disappearances", summary executions and the practice of torture and applications of torture victims to the Treatment Centers of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) indicate that there is no decrease in the infliction of torture compared to previous years and threats towards security of life are very serious in Turkey. Torture continues to exist as a threat against personal and societal integrity.
The TIHV has been able to identify at least 806 incident of torture, 11 deaths in detention and 26 deaths in prisons apart from deaths as a result of hunger strikes during the period of 1 January 2001 to 30 June 2002.
We are asking the Minister of Justice:
What have you done so far regarding these deaths, for which names, dates
and places are given in this press release?
What have you done concerning allegations of torture numbering at least
806, for which records are available at the Documentation Center of the
TIHV?
Among the fundamental reasons for this crime against humanity one can name extension of detention through administrative decisions, the lack of immediately informing lawyers and relatives of detainees, not to allow lawyers to be present during interrogations, not to provide appropriate conditions for medical examinations after detention, to render the authority to security forces if delay might be inconvenient and omissions to record detentions. What have you done to eradicate the extensive and systematic practice of torture and ill-treatment?
The Judiciary is not deterrent...Torturers are protected...
Torturers and those responsible for deaths are under administrative and judiciary protection in Turkey.
Prosecutors who are supposed to directly act by launching investigations upon allegations are not seriously taking torture allegations into consideration. They are either not opening or delaying investigations;
Especially in the region under a State of Emergency, superiors are using their authority not to allow that their servants be tried;
In limited numbers of court cases, torture perpetrators are tried without arrest, they can continue their public services, promotion and retirement procedures continue for security personnel who often cannot be brought to courts, because they were "not found";
In these trials the defendants are not seriously interrogaed and the
torture victims are asked to prove their allegations.
In cases where the allegations are verified, cases are struck out due
to lapse of time.
In the limited numbers of cases that result in conviction, sentences are given at minimum level, sentences are often reduced or postponed.
All these issues above are also verified by statements of the Ministers of Justice and Interior.
We are asking the Minister of Justice:
What sort of measures have been taken and what sort of arrangements have been made for the public administration and the judiciary to be effective in detering against these threats to which our citizens and society are subjected to?
The TIHV has been asking these questions since it was established in 1990. It made proposals for measures to be taken. However, aiming at the eradication of an inhuman act like torture which is identified as a crime in the Constitution and other laws, the authority of supervision should be given to independent committees formed by representatives from professional organizations, human rights organizations and relevant non-governmental organizations. A legislative arrangement should immediately be made for the establishment of such independent committees to enable them to carry out necessary inspections in prisons and in all other detention places. It is high time to take this proposal concerning the protection and development of human rights and expeditation of the democratic process on the agenda in order to remove the threat against personal security.
The TIHV is ready and willing to take its reponsibilities and to provide assistance to efforts to eradicate torture and to contribute to the democratization of Turkey.
Additional Information on Personal Security
In the 11 years, since the establishment of the Foundation in 1990, the TIHV has identified 14,500 torture incidents, 518 deaths in detention, 216 cases of "disappearance" that probably resulted in death, 1,261 deaths as a result of summary executions. During this time, the number of torture victims contacting the Foundation's Treatment Centres has reached 7,500.
According to the data in the judicial records, there was a total of 772 court cases launched in relation to deaths in detention, and a total of 1,344 public servants were tried in those cases between 1990 and 2000. 222 out of 308 court cases resulted in conviction between 1994 and 2000, but none of the convicts is in prison as of April 2002.
Deaths in Detention between 1 January 2001 and 30 June 2002
1. Asim Ceylan: In Trabzon Asim Ceylan (42) died on 20 March 2001 after
he had been beaten by police officers. He was buried on 22 March. It was
reported that he died because of internal bleedings in his lungs caused
by the beatings of police officers when Mr. Ceylan refused to be detained.
Selami Ceylan, an uncle of Asim Ceylan alleged that the officers continued
the beatings even after they had handcuffed his nephew and laid him on
the ground. Trabzon Governor Adil Yazar later announced that the
investigation had shown that the body of the shop owner Asim Ceylan had
shown signs of blows and witnesses had stated that he had been ill-treated.
As a result the commissioner Hüseyin Capkin and police officer Ali
Kilic had been suspended from duty and an administrative investigation
had started. The trial against them started at Trabzon Penal Code on 26
March. The court ordered Hüseyin Çapkin to remain in pre-trial
detention, but released Ali Kilic.
2. Hasim Balik: Hasim Balik was found dead on 19 April after he was
detained on 18 April 2001. It was alleged that Ha_im Balik hanged himself
with a belt hidden in the inner pocket of his coat and he pluged tissue
in his nose not to make his voice to be heard. The security department
said that shoe laces and a belt of Ha_im Balik were taken away before he
was put into detention, but on 19 April he asked for his coat as he was
cold and he committed suicide with his belt.
3. Ahmet Sahin (36): On 21 May 2001, a person named Ahmet Sahin, who
was detained on the allegation of peeking at a house at Güldibi quarter
of Sapanca, reportedly committed suicide while in custodial prison. Ahmet
Sahin died in hospital.
4. Özgür Ünal (16): Özgür Ünal (16),
student in secondary education, who was detained in Edremit district (Balikesir)
on 22 August 2001, was found dead in his cell on 23 August. According to
the information gathered, on 21 August police officers came to the petrol
station of his father at 9pm and detained him saying that they had received
complaints. He was taken to Edremit Police HQ., where his corpse was found
on 23 August at 10am. Balikesir Chief of Police, Kemal Iskender ,
maintained that the juvenile committed suicide by tying the blanket's border
sheet to the heating system. Following an autopsy at Bursa Forensic Institute
he was buried in his hometown Manisa. His father Osman Ünal said:
"Two policemen detained Özgür and took him to Edremit Police
HQ. I went there, too. First they said that my son was driving a motorcycle
without a license. Therefore, my motorcycle would be confiscated and I
had to pay TL 54 million. They put Özgür into a cell. Later an
officer told me that they had received complaints that Özgür
had assaulted a woman. He would be taken to court the other day and there
was nothing I could do. The next morning at 11am I was called to Edremit
Police HQ. and told that he had committed suicide between 9 and 10am. The
prosecutor asked me whether I wanted an autopsy to be done and I agreed.
All I saw were bruises at his neck". Reportedly the autopsy carried
out at Bursa Forensic Institute did not reveal any traces of force, except
for the bruises at the neck, said to be the result of strangulation marks.
However, Emin Emir, lawyer of the family, stated that he had not received
a copy of the autopsy report and was prepared to take the case to the highest
level, including the European Court of Human Rights. He said that even
if the death was the result of suicide the police was responsible for having
put the juvenile into such a situation. He added that during 15 years in
his profession he had not witnessed a single case of detention for verbal
sexual assault. Later, Chief of Balikesir Police opened an official
investigation into the death of Özgür Ünal. The investigation
continues. Commissioner Hakan Izmir and 3 police officers, who were on
duty on 22 August, were interrogated.
5. Mustafa Kaya: Mustafa Kaya, who was detained on 4 October 2001 in
Diyarbakir for carrying drugs, was allegedly killed in custody. Nothing
was covered in the media in connection with the incident, but Sedat Önal,
who was detained together with Mustafa Kaya, made an official complaint
concerning the killing of Kaya. In the official complaint, Kaya further
stated that on 5 September, while in Ankara, someone who introduced himself
as the commander of Diyarbakir Central Police Station gave him a call and
told him that the corpse of Kaya was found.
6. Yunus Güzel (33): On 23 October 2001 at 7am the corpse of Yunus
Güzel (33) was found in his cell at the department to fight terrorism
in Istanbul Police HQ. He had been detained during operations between 16
and 22 October directed against alleged members of the Revolutionary People's
Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) and shown as a potential "living bomb"
(suicidal attacker). The police announced that he had hanged himself with
his bed linen, fixed to the bed that he had erected at the wall. However,
reportedly there was no linen in the room thatday, and the people who were
detained on the same day testified that they saw Güzel being tortured.
Güzel was buried in Hatay on 25 October. Meanwhile Vahit Güzel,
the elderly brother of Yunus Güzel, stated that traces of beatings
and electric shocks could be seen on the forehead and various parts of
the body of his brother.
7. Fatih Mehmet Karakus_ (27): Fatih Mehmet Karakus, who was detained
in Vakfikebir district (Trabzon) on 3 November 2001 on suspicion of "fraud",
died in custody. The governor in Trabzon alleged that he committed suicide
by hanging himself at the window bars, 2 meters from the ground. He was
taken to hospital, but could not be rescued. Meanwhile the Minister for
the Interior, Rüstü Kazim Yücelen, appointed two state secretaries
to clarify the circumstances of death.
8. Varvara Savastin (46): : On 1 January 2002 the woman Varvara Savastin
(46) from Moldavia, who was held in custody at the Foreign Department of
Istanbul Police HQ. on allegations of "illegal work and a violation of
visa", died in custody. Her death was allegedly caused by insufficiency
of heart and aspiration.
9. Ahmet Arslan: On 8 April 2002 Ahmet Arslan was detained in Fikirtepe
(Istanbul) around 4am on charges of harassing a woman. He was taken to
Hasanpasa Police Station. The police later stated that he committed suicide
by hanging himself with his pullover in the cell within the police station.
He had been taken to the toilet at 10.20am and his death was discovered
at 10.35am after coming back from the toilet.
Following the alleged suicide of Ahmet Arslan at Hasanpasa Police Station (Istanbul) on 8 April, Istanbul Chief of Police, Hasan Özdemir, declared that two police officers were temporarily dismissed from duty.
10. Yasar Demirbag (37): Yasar Demirbag, who was detained in April 2002
on charges of "extortion" allegedly committed suicide when he went a relative's
home with the police for investigation. At the home, Demirbag allegedly
opened fire against the police injuring the officer Ziya Aybar. Later he
allegedly committed suicide.
11. Zübeyir Tekin (55): On 8 June 2002 Zübeyir Tekin (55)
and his daughters Hatice Tekin and Herdem Tekin were detained in Batman
after a fight in Çamlica quarter. Although he felt badly he was
first taken to 10 Nisan Police Station. When his situation got worse he
was taken to Batman State Hospital, but died on the way. An autopsy stated
that he died of a heart attack. His relatives alleged that he had not been
suffering from any illness and died because of medical neglect by the police.
(TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Conseil de l'Europe: "Toujours des tortures en Turquie"
Les mauvais traitements, voire les tortures, infligés en Turquie par des policiers ou des membres des forces de sécurité continuent d'être fréquents, s'inquiète mercredi le Comité des ministres du Conseil de l'Europe dans une résolution.
L'organe exécutif de l'organisation pan-européenne rappelle que, sans compter les requêtes qui se sont soldées par des arrangements amiables, la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a rendu 42 arrêts et décisions jugeant la Turquie responsable dans des affaires "d'homicides, actes de torture et destructions de biens par ses forces de police".
En dépit de "progrès accomplis" pour prévenir de nouvelles violations, le Comité des ministres du Conseil de l'Europe pointe très diplomatiquement des "problèmes en suspens".
Il se déclare notamment "préoccupé de l'existence continue de nouveaux griefs contenant des allégations de torture et de mauvais traitements".
Le Comité des ministres dénonce notamment, en citant le Comité de prévention de la torture du Conseil de l'Europe, "le nombre considérable d'allégations de formes graves de mauvais traitements rapportées dans les régions du Sud-Est (à majorité kurde, NDLR) et l'existence continue dans certains commissariats de police de ces régions de salles d'interrogatoire de nature extrêmement intimidante".
Face à ces violations des droits de l'Homme, l'organe exécutif du Conseil de l'Europe déplore la mansuétude des autorités qui n'infligent aux auteurs de torture ou de mauvais traitements que des "peines carcérales légères, souvent transformées en amendes et suspendues ultérieurement dans la plupart des cas". (AFP, 10 juillet 2002)
Nouveau rapport européen sur les prisons turques de type F
Le Comité anti-torture du Conseil de l'Europe s'est déclaré satisfait, mardi à Strasbourg, des progrès constatés dans les nouvelles prisons de type F en Turquie, mais demande une amélioration qu'Ankara a refusée tout net.
A leur grande satisfaction, les experts du comité ont constaté, lors d'une visite en mars dernier, que les activités en commun ont effectivement démarré dans la prison de type F de Sincan.
Des ateliers fonctionnent et des moments réguliers de rencontre et de conversation, réunissant jusqu'à dix détenus, sont organisés, selon le rapport préliminaire des experts européens, qui avaient critiqué précédemment l'isolement trop sévère des prisonniers condamnés pour terrorisme.
Toutefois, le comité demande "expressément" que les autorités turques suppriment la condition préalable fixée pour participer à ces moments de rencontre: la participation à au moins un atelier ou à une activité commune.
Dans sa réponse, jointe au rapport, le gouvernement turc refuse d'accéder à cette demande, craignant que les détenus ne profitent de ces réunions "pour faire un travail d'organisation dans un contexte idéologique plutôt que dans un but de réhabilitation".
"Beaucoup de terroristes refusent de participer aux activités communes, considérant comme des traitres ceux qui y participent", explique Ankara. "Ils essayent d'intimider ceux qui font des activités par des harcèlements et des menaces", ajoute-t-il.
Dans la province de Diyarbakir (sud-est), la délégation a pu constater par elle-même dans deux cas les preuves de sévères tortures infligées par des gendarmes pendant des interrogatoires et elle a recueilli de nombreuses témoignages de mauvais traitements.
En outre, elle a réitéré sa demande de fermeture immédiate d'une salle d'interrogatoire "oppressante et effrayante", visitée à quelques kilomètres de Diyarbakir, dans un local de la gendarmerie situé sur la route d'Elazig.
Par ailleurs, elle a jugé "totalement inacceptable" que des pressions soient exercées sur les détenus, pour qu'ils ne portent pas plainte contre les sévices subis, et sur les médecins, pour qu'ils n'en fassent pas état.
Un autre problème, dans la province de Diyarbakir, est le difficile accès des personnes en garde à vue à un avocat.
Dans sa réponse, Ankara annonce que les interrogatoires seront prochainement tous enregistrés sur magnétophone ou par vidéo, afin d'éviter les dérives. En outre, le gouvernement s'engage à édicter prochainement une directive afin que les examens médicaux des prévenus se fassent hors la présence de policiers ou de gendarmes. (AFP, 23 juillet 2002)
Mauvais traitements: Ankara reconnaît une nouvelle fois ses torts
La Turquie a une nouvelle fois reconnu sa responsabilité dans les mauvais traitements infligés à un de ses ressortissants au cours de sa garde à vue, a annoncé jeudi la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme.
Au terme d'un accord amiable, Yalcin Onder, 45 ans, recevra 16.800 euros pour réparer son préjudice, c'est-à-dire une garde-à-vue qui lui a laissé des douleurs à la poitrine, aux aines, à la taille et à la cheville.
M. Onder, poursuivi pour aide et soutien à une organisation illégale, le TDKP (parti communiste révolutionnaire de Turquie), et acquitté, avait porté plainte contre ses tortionnaires. Une plainte qui a abouti à un non-lieu.
Dans une déclaration jointe, le gouvernement "déplore les mauvais traitements infligés par les autorités à des personnes en garde à vue, malgré la législation turque existante et la détermination du gouvernement à empêcher de tels incidents".
Le gouvernement "s'engage à édicter les instructions appropriées et à adopter toutes les mesures nécessaires pour garantir l'interdiction de pareilles formes de mauvais traitements".
Début juillet, le Comité des ministres du Conseil de l'Europe a vivement critiqué les violations persistantes des droits de l'Homme en Turquie, candidate à l'adhésion à l'Union européenne. (AFP, 25 juillet 2002)
Despite lifting OHAL, still dark clouds in the region
The "low-intensity-war" in the southeast has occupied Turkey's agenda for a long time. The Turkish Armed Forces' struggle with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), in the southeast region has settled down, however the problems surrounding the region are still a bleeding wound for Turkey. The southeast, which once occupied Turkey's agenda with terrorism and death news, now occupies the agenda with its poor economy, and with cultural rights, such as education and broadcasting in Kurdish.
The people living in the region have undeniably been socially and economically ignored, as much as the region itself, because of the ongoing "low-intensity war." Local people have been living under emergency rule for about 19 years. It means that a person born in 1980, has no idea what it is like to live under "ordinary rule." This has had a profound psychological affect on the people living in the region.
The conflict in the region is all but over, and the region is settling down, however, this means that the economic problems are now coming to light. The Emergency Rule Governorship (OHAL), which was extended 46 times since its establishment, is in the process of being lifted according to a recent National Security Council (MGK) decision, which recommended that OHAL be lifted and replaced by an undersecretariat. The discussion being raised at this point is whether this undersecretariat will take over OHAL's responsibilities, which were based mainly on providing security in the region.
The state did not attempt to lift OHAL because terrorism continued to be a potential threat in the region. However, in the cities and settlements, it was possible to say there was no armed conflict, but because of this potential threat, the residents had to continue to live under this rule. Lifting emergency rule would have made little difference in terms of security, because soldiers continue to dominate and provide security in the rural areas and can effectively struggle against the PKK -- which recently changed its name to the Kurdistan Democracy Congress (KADEK). The psychological oppression forced on the people living in the cities governed by OHAL, was therefore unnecessary.
Before the establishment of OHAL, the struggle with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) was carried out under martial law in the southeast until 1987. The OHAL region, which included Bingol, Diyarbakir, Elazig, Hakkari, Mardin, Siirt, Tunceli and Van and then Adiyaman, Bitlis and Mus, was established to strengthen the fight against the PKK with a written decree by the government. In 1990, the number of provinces under the management of OHAL was increased to 13, with Batman and Sirnak, and then Elazig and Adiyaman were removed from OHAL coverage. After 1997, seven of the eleven cities under OHAL coverage: Batman, Bingol, Bitlis, Mardin, Mus, Van and Siirt, were taken under the coverage of neighboring cities in the OHAL region, and the other five cities, Diyarbakir, Hakkari, Sirnak and Tunceli were governed under the emergency rule.
During this struggle, the region and its people suffered. For example, settlements and villages were vacated for security reasons. This situation, amongst others, served to carry the problem into the international arena, and to haunt Turkey, especially when it came to the European Union full membership process. The sources of livelihood the region, stock-breeding and agriculture, were thrown into a very bad recession, crippling the region and leaving it in dire economic straits.
The mayors of southeastern cities, and the chairmen of political parties and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been calling for the complete abolition of emergency rule. However, the question at this point, now that the MGK has decided to recommend to Parliament that it lift OHAL and set up an undersecretariat, is will this undersecretariat be concerned with security or with the economy? The consensus in the region is that emergency rule should be abolished and that this undersecretariat should focus on relieving the economic problems that are, at the moment, as important as escaping the terrorist activities.
Diyarbakir Bar Association Secretary-General Mahmut Vefa said that the region was in an economic plight: "The MGK has made the decision to lift OHAL and to establish an undersecretariat, but the responsibilities of this undersecretariat are not known. OHAL did not contribute to the economy of the region, and for that reason, this undersecretariat should be focused on the economy, because the people are living in poverty. We want an institution to solve all of the problems in the region, there should be no anxiety over security. It seems that, regarding the responsibilities of the undersecretariat, security continues to be the most important element, so it would be just like changing the name. It would not bring a solution to the problems in the region."
Pointing out that if this undersecretariat had the same power as OHAL, it would be illegal, Vefa said: "OHAL was established with a written decree under the force of law (KHK). Furthermore, according to Article No. 148 of the Constitution, OHAL's written decrees under the force of law cannot be supervised by the Constitutional Court. Despite the fact that all written decrees should be approved by Parliament, OHAL's written decrees were not even approved in Parliament, because of the urgency of the written decrees regarding emergency rules. In this case, Parliament cannot use its authority on OHAL's written decrees under the force of law. The courts cannot judge the possessions of OHAL, and the Exchequer and Audit Department cannot investigate OHAL's fiscal situation. For that reason, the possessions of this undersecretariat should be included in the law." Vefa also said that the people living in the region have been denied a life based on the principles of democracy and human rights.
Diyarbakir Metropolitan Mayor Feridun Celik, talking to the Turkish Daily News (TDN), said, regarding the MGK decision, "The aim and extension of this undersecretariat has yet to be announced. They say it would be based on developing the region's economy, and on the other hand, they said that all of OHAL's power would transferred to this undersecretariat. If this undersecretariat that is to be established concentrates on the development of the region's economy, it would be great for the region, however if they transfer all of OHAL's power to this undersecretariat, it would not be good for the region. It would be unacceptable, this approach is not an approach to obtain a positive outcome for the region. OHAL was based on security, the State should take people's preferences into consideration."
Emphasizing that the State should pay attention to the economy and social structure of the region from now on, Celik said that the most important thing was to provide peace and welfare in the region. "If this undersecretariat is a continuation of OHAL, it will not be beneficial to the region. This application would discriminate between people living in the Marmara region or the Aegean region and those living in the southeast region."
Characterizing the Southeast Undersecretariat as a misfortune, Diyarbakir Human Rights Association Chairman Osman Baydemir said: "Of course the responsibilities of this undersecretariat would be important. However, whatever its responsibilities, if emergency rule is present in the project, the undersecretariat would not be beneficial." Baydemir also called on the government and Parliament to reject the MGK decision.
What if OHAL was completely lifted, would the style of governing the OHAL cities change? Tunceli Bar Association Chairman Huseyin Aygun stressed that it would not be enough to lift OHAL, that the State should rehabilitate and reeducated its staff. "This governing that has been going on for about 25 years caused habits to become embedded in the staff managing the state institutions. The people's right to freedom was restricted, said Aygun, adding, "People are wondering that what will happen if OHAL is lifted, they are wondering what will change in their lives, because they have no idea about life without emergency rule."
Stating that this project was developed by soldiers, Aygun said that it was undemocratic: "This is a handicap for the project. Lifting OHAL would provide psychological comfort, but the most important thing is how it will be practiced. For example, the Tunceli governor announced that there would no longer be check points, but that soldiers would set up mobile stations in order to control entry into the city."
Aygun also pointed out that in Tunceli 166 families have applied to the governorship in order to return to their villages, however, the governorship has refused applications for people from 27 out of 31 villages, without giving any reason. "Lifting OHAL would not be enough, the State should help these people and aid them and lift the restriction facing their returning to their villages."
Democratic Left Party (DSP) Diyarbakir District Chairman Seyfettin Alkan stressed that despite the uncertainty surrounding the establishment of such an undersecretariat, it would be beneficial to develop the economy of the region and to quickly bring service to the region. "This undersecretariat would be established to improve the economy of the region. The reasons for maintaining OHAL have been removed. It is expected that the economic developments that were not realized during OHAL, will be realized under this GAP Undersecretariat. This GAP Undersecretariat should have all of OHAL's power; this undersecretariat should be based on economic and social improvement. We do not think that this undersecretariat would be similar to OHAL and it should not be."
Stating that people living in the southeast region have suffered greatly, Alkan said: "The rights of the people in the southeast were restricted, if this undersecretariat to be established were to cover all of OHAL's power, it would not be logical. This undersecretariat is a GAP Undersecretariat that would be established to invest in and bring investment to the region. If not, it is going to be a name change, that's all." (Serdar Alyamac, Turkish Daily News, July 25, 2002)
Important cases await beginning of new judicial year
With the beginning of the new judicial year set for September, Turkey's two high courts, the Constitutional Court and the Court of Cassation, are facing a very busy schedule.
The Constitutional Court, in the new judicial year, is expected to complete the closure case against the People's Democracy Party (HADEP).
HADEP, charged with acting as a front for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), has appealed to the high court claiming constitutional violations in five articles of the Political Parties Law.
The closure case has dragged on for more than three years, since former chief prosecutor Vural Savas filed the charges against Turkey's only legal Kurdish party, HADEP, in January 1999. Party officials deny the accusations.
The court's decision to handle HADEP's objections coincided with the increased expectation of changes in the political landscape amid the country's elections mood.
European Union candidate Turkey has been under fire from its European allies for failing to meet EU standards on democracy and human rights for membership in the 15-nation club. HADEP's predecessors, the HEP and the DEP, were closed down on similar charges.
Apart from HADEP, the Constitutional Court has to hear closure cases against the Rights and Freedoms Party and the Turkish Socialist Workers' Party (TSIP).
Both closure cases were opened by Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu.
The Rights and Freedoms Party must stand before the Constitutional Court for including articles in its party program that are against the unity of the country. Meanwhile, Kanadoglu demanded the closure of the TSIP for inciting crime and supporting class dictatorship.
Controversial media law row
The Constitutional Court also has to make a decision on the controversial media law, know publicly as the RTUK (Supreme Board of Radio and Television) law.
President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, last year vetoed the media law and sent it back to Parliament for a rewrite on the grounds that the law, in its original state, would lead to a monopolization of the media and that the fines envisaged by the law were so high as to inhibit the freedom of expression.
However, Parliament passed the law despite the reactions and criticisms and sent it back to Sezer for his approval. Sezer approved the law, but applied to the Constitutional Court for the cancellation of some of its clauses.
The court decided to halt the implementation of some of the RTUK law's clauses and is expected to complete the RTUK case in the upcoming judicial year.
Another important case awaiting a Constitutional Court decision is the Tobacco Law.
The main opposition True Path Party (DYP) has asked the court to open the tobacco market up to free competition and to reconstruct the State Monopoly system in the market.
Court of Cassation also faces busy schedule
The Court of Cassation also has to decide on several important cases in the upcoming judicial year.
First of all, it will see "Operation Hope," which was prompted in order to catch the assassins of journalist-writer Ugur Mumcu, professor Ahmet Taner Kislali, professor Muammer Aksoy and assistant professor Bahriye Ucok.
The Ankara State Security Court (DGM), earlier this year, sentenced three of the 24 defendants to death in the so-called Hope Case, which was launched some 17 months ago, for a series of murders and for belonging to an armed gang aimed at changing the constitutional secular democratic order of the country with a system based on religion.
The Court of Cassation will discuss the suspects' appeal in the next judicial term.
Another important case facing the Court of Cassation will be the embezzlement allegations made against Necmettin Erbakan, the former leader of the now defunct Welfare Party (RP).
An Ankara court earlier found Erbakan guilty and sentenced him to two years imprisonment on embezzlement charges. (Turkish Daily News, July 24, 2002)
Human Rights violations in brief
Prisoner beaten at F-type prison
On 1 July relatives of prisoners held a press conference at the premises of the Izmir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) stating that the guardians had beaten the prisoners Yüksel Mizrak and Ali Güzel, held in Kiriklar F-type Prison, on 17 June. Speaking for the relatives Meral Ipek said that the physician had not given his report to the prisoners. She alleged that the prisoners had been threatened not to complain about the incident. Haydar Mizrak, father of Yüksel Mizrak stated that his con had been under treatment at the hospital for mental diseases in Manisa for one-and-a-half year, because of earlier torture and said that they would file an official complaint about the latest incident. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 2, 2002)
Forced to become Informer
Ilhan Entelli, treasurer of the Support Association of Prisonersí Relatives (TAY-DER) in Izmir, stated that he had been detained on 28 June and put under pressure to become a police informer. "In front of the post office they forced me into the car and took me to a pub. They offered me money, if I informed them about the work of TAY-DER. They put TL 50 million in front of me and insisted that I should take it. I rejected and they gave me time to think about the offer. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 2, 2002)
Torture in Istanbul
Lawyer Merve Sen gave the following information on an incident in Istanbul. "After Istanbul Bar Association had appointed me to defend I.T. (16), who had been detained and interrogated at Caglayan Police Station on charges of theft, I went to the police station. I saw traces of blows on his body and he told me that the police officers had beaten him; he had not been given anything to eat or drink and had been frightened with rape with a truncheon. I was asked to sign a statement that I.T. did not want to testify. I said that I would not sign, because the child had been beaten and deprived of food and drinks. Immediately 7 to 8 police officers came up to me, took the statement and tore it into pieces. Later I took I.T. to Sisli Eftal Hospital and was able to obtain a medical report. Later the way she was treated was certified by a report from the Psychiatric Department of the Medical Faculty at Istanbul University." Merve Sen added that she would file an official complaint about the torture of her client and the way she was treated. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Prisoners Poisoned and Oppressed
Reports from Sincan F-type Prison stated that some 100 prisoners and guardians were poisoned by food they ate on 28 June. The prisoners filed a complaint against the prison administration for not taking them to hospital. Since three weeks the prisoners in Mardin E-type Prison on trial for membership of the PKK and Hezbollah refuse to receive visitors in protest at the introduction of phones during visits and the restriction to half an hour. The prisonersí relatives Sultan Elsen, Nezahat Özbay, Fadile Ahik and Müzeyyen Öztepe stated that their efforts to solve the problem had remained fruitless. (Cumhuriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
IHD on Trial
On 3 July a second trial started at Diyarbakir Penal Court of First Instance No. 1 against the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) for using the letter "w" in "Newroz" instead of "Nevruz" in their invitations to a reception on 20 March. In this trial Osman Baydemir, chairman of the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the board members Fikret Saraçoglu, Selahattin Demirtas, Abdulkadir Aydin, Reyhan Yalçindag, Meral Danis Bestas and Piruzhan Dogrul are charged for a violation of Article 36 of the Law on Associations providing that communications have to be in Turkish. The prosecutor has demanded closure of the association and sentences for the defendants of between 2 monthsí and 2 yearsí imprisonment according to Article 77/1 of the Law. The hearing was adjourned to 7 August. A separate case against the board members is continuing at Diyarbakir Penal Court of First Instance No. 3 related to the decision taken by the board on 14 March to send out such invitations. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
The "Umut" Case
The chief prosecutor at the Court of Cassation has finished the review of the verdict by Ankara SSC No. 2 of 7 January on the so-called "Umut" (Hope) case, in which 24 defendants had been tried for 22 actions, including the killings of journalist Ugur Mumcu, Dr. Bahriye Üçok, Prof. Dr. Muammer Aksoy and Prof. Dr. Ahmet Taner Kislali. He concluded that the death penalties for Ferhan Özmen, Necdet Yüksel and Rüstü Aytufan should be confirmed. For the defendants Yusuf Karakus, Abdülhamit Çelik, Muzaffer Dagdeviren, Fatih Aydin, Mehmet Sahin and Hasan Kiliç, who received prison terms ranging from 12.5 years to 18 years, 9 months, he wants a retrial to establish whether they participated in the kidnapping of Abbas Gulamzade and, if that was the case, has asked for the death penalty according to Article 146/1 TPC. The prison terms of 12.5 years should be confirmed for the defendants Talip Özçelik, Mehmet Kasap, Mehmet Gürova, Adil Aydin and Murat Nazli as well as the prison terms of 45 months for Dervis Polat and Yüksel Pekdemir. The acquittals of Musa Koca, Ismail Koçhan, Seref Dursun and Adnan Yükdag and the suspended sentence of Arif Tari had not been subjected to a revision. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Medical Neglect
Prisoners from Iskenderun Special Type Prison informed that fellow prisoner Mahmut Dunlayici, who was suffering from inguinal hernia and hepatitis B, had been taken from the ward under beatings and, instead of taking him to hospital he had been transferred to Antakya Prison. Allegedly he was held there under isolation. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Verdict against Villagers from Bergama Quashed
The 8th Chamber of the Court of Cassation quashed the verdict against Oktay Konyar, chairman of the Environmental Movement in Bergama (Izmir) and the board member Irfan Keskin. In March 2001 Bergama Penal Court had sentenced them to 21 monthsí imprisonment for a violation of the Law 2911 on Demonstrations and Meetings. The verdict followed an action by inhabitants of Bergama protesting against the intention by Eurogold to look for gold using cyanide. The Court of Cassation ruled that the protest was a spontaneous action and, since the demonstrators had walked in a single line they had not violated Law No. 2911 and should be acquitted. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Report on the Death Penalty
A commission led by Prof. Dr. Sulhi Dönmezer has prepared a 44-page report on the death penalty arguing that the death penalty should be abolished. The commission, set up by the Ministry of Justice, presented the following figures: since 1960 a total of 129 people have been executed in Turkey. Between 1994 and 1997 1,394 death penalties were passed for murder and 904 according to Article 125 TPC (violent attempt to separate part of the country). The report further stated that 57 countries abolished the death penalty completely, 15 countries abolished it for criminal offences and 26 countries (including Turkey) de facto did not apply the death penalty. A total of 95 countries retained the death penalty. (Radikal-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Eren Keskin on Trial
On 4 July Istanbul SSC No. 1 started to hear the case of Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) in connection with a report on "The Mother Tongue" and a press statement on Newroz. She is charged with support for the PKK. Eren Keskin stated that she had made statements in her private capacity and for the association. She had repeatedly made statements on the mother tongue, but had no connection to the PKK. She added that she doubted the impartiality of the state security court. The court adjourned the hearing for the prosecution to prepare the summing up of the case. In a second trial Eren Keskin was charged under Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law with disseminating separatist propaganda, because she had used the word "Kurdistan" during a conference on 25 November 2001 on "Violence against Women". The prosecution asked for a conviction and the court adjourned the hearing. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 5, 2002)
Pressure in Prison
Relatives of prisoners in Batman Prison appealed to the Justice Ministry,
the Human Rights Association (IHD), the public prosecutor in Batman and
the supervisory council for prisons alleging that the prison conditions
were unhealthy. The complaint signed by Heybet Geçgin, Fatma Ekin,
Sadiye Gülsün, Nedret Demir, Semiha Öner, Hayriye Kirtay,
Raife Özbey and Aysun Bayram stated that the female prisoners were
held under inhuman conditions, the place for the visits was health threatening
and the meals in prison were unhealthy and insufficient. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV,
July 5, 2002)
Pressure in Prison
Speaking for prisoners in Erzurum Prison connected to the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK) Yasar Karadeniz and Murat Aslan stated that the prisonís structure had been changed from wards to rooms. The construction works had started in August 2001 and finished in March this year. On 8 March the prisoners had been put into the rooms in groups of 5-6 prisoners. Since then they had difficulties in getting newspapers, their right to weekly conversations of 5 hours had been restricted to 15-20 minutes, they were not able to buy medicine, bread and books and many fellow prisoners in need of medical treatment came back from hospital without having been treated. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 6, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests
On 6 July the police in Kayseri announced the detention of nine alleged members of the "Union of Islamic Parishes/Anatolian Federal Islamic State" (so-called Kaplancilar) and gave the following names Çetin Kasap, Ekrem Aras, Orhan Kökoglu, Mehmet Karakaya, E.Y. (17), Mustafa Akyil, Mehmet Aktan, Neset Demir and Ali Öztürk. Following the killing of Ahmet Kartal in Karapinar village, Varto district (Mus) on 28 June some 15 villagers were detained. Among them Bedrettin Firat, Saim Firat, Kesit Kayalar and Kadriye Tekin were remanded by a court in Varto, but not on charges of killing, but "supporting the PKK". Melik Firat, nephew of Bedrettin Firat, living in Berlin (Germany) alleged that this was an attempt to deter people from returning to the village that had earlier been burned down as a "patriotic" (pro-Kurdish) village. On 3 July Lamia Turgut (45) from Güzpinar village in Kurtalan district (Batman) was arrested on charges of supporting KADEK by providing food. (Milliyet-TIHV, July 7, 2002)
Greenpeace Action
The 26 Greenpeace activists, who had been detained on 4 July, after an action of a petrol tank ship on the Bosphorus, were released on 5 July to be tried without remand. (Radikal-TIHV, July 7, 2002)
Meeting Banned
A meeting planned by the Support and Culture Association of Migrants (GÖÇ-DER) to be held in Izmir on 7 July was banned by the governor in Izmir according to Article 15 of the Law 2911 on Demonstrations and Meetings. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 6, 2002)
Civil Servants tried and exiled
Kilis Penal Court acquitted Kiyasettin Aslan, former board member of the union of office staff (BES) in Kilis of charges brought under the Law No. 2911. He had been put on trial for distributing leaflets in April 2001 in the name of the Labor Platform. In Mersin 17 members of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen were "exiled" (disciplinarily transferred) to distant towns: Ahmet Basri Aydin (to Yozgat), Ahmet Falcioglu (to Erzurum), Besey Küsne (to Kastamonu), Nizamettin Çaglayan (to Aksaray), Ilknur Çelik (to Sakarya), Bekir Dogru (to Bilecik), Hüseyin Aktas (to Yozgat), Mustafa Eskici (to Rize), Bekir Sarialtin, Ergin Çelik, Kezban Polat, Celalettin Polat, Ali Riza Özer (to Yozgat), Mehmet Ali Önal (to Usak), Cumali Altundere (to Isparta), M. Murat Okutan (to Istanbul), Gülcan Yilmaz (to Gümüshane). (Evrensel-TIHV, July 8, 2002)
Trade Unionist on trial
On 8 July Sivas Penal Court No. 1 started to hear the case of Mustafa Basoglu, chairman of the trade union of staff in the health sector (Saglik?Is). He stated that he did not incite the people to disobedience by saying that the ban on headscarves was in contravention to the Constitution. The hearing was adjourned to 25 September. A similar trial is continuing at Ankara Penal Court No. 20. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 9, 2002)
Torture in Mersin
Kamil Öksüzer alleged that he was tortured on 5 July, when he went to Mersin Aslanköy Gendarmerie Station to complain about his brother. He told the Mersin branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) that the sergeant Bahtiyar Dagdan and a lieutenant by the first name of Ekrem beat him after they had poured a bucket of water over his head. He was not taken to a doctor, although he requested for it. When he went to the prosecutor the next day in order to file an official complaint he was detained again and beaten. Afterwards he was forced to sign a paper without permission to read. When he complained to the prosecutor he was sent to a hospital, but the physician Yelmihan Dogan only issued a report after confirmation that the prosecutorís office would pay for it. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Killing by Village Guards
In Nureddin village, Malazgirt district (Mus) a group of some 20 armed village guards tried to prevent another group of about 12 people, who had returned to the village about 10 days ago, to work on the fields. They reportedly shot with automatic rifles and killed Yusuf Ünal (75), his brother Abdulsamet Ünal (48) and his son Abdurrahim Ünal (42). Sources from the region said that the village had been evacuated in 1993. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Teachers Exiled from Mersin
In Mersin the number of exiled members of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen increased to 35. When members of the Confederation of Trade Unions in the Public Sector (KESK) wanted to stage a protest against it on 9 July the police intervened and attacked the demonstrators. For people were injured and six people including Ünsal Yildiz, chairman for Egitim-Sen in Mersin, Abbas Koluaçik, chairman of SES in Mersin and A. Rahman Yildiz, chairman of ÖDP in Mersin. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Lawyers on Trial
On 11 July (today) Ankara Criminal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 27 lawyers in connection with a hearing at Ankara Criminal Court No. 5 on 5 December 2000. During the hearing on the massacre in Ankara Closed Prison (Ulucanlar) of 26 September 1999 some prisoners had shouted slogans, because spectators were not allowed into the courtroom. In return soldiers had beaten them. The lawyers Medeni Ayhan, Nurten Çaglar, Fahriye Belgün, Dilek Midik, Vahide Özgür Sariyildiz, Sevil Ceylan, Aytül Kaplan, Devrim Karakülah, Riza Karaman, Gaye Dinçel, Hüseyin Yüksel Biçen, Nuray Özdogan, Nazan Betül Vangölü, Vedat Aytaç, Haci Ali Özhan, Filiz Kalayci, Suna Coskun, Kazim Bayraktar, Gülizar Tuncer, Ibrahim Ergün, Selçuk Kozagaçli, Sevim Akat, Keles Öztürk, Göksel Arslan, Zeki Rüzgar, Mecit Engeci and Oya Aydin are charged with misconduct of duty according to Article 240 TPC. During the hearing lawyer Suna Coskun testified. The court adjourned the hearing to 31 October, when the testimony of lawyer Göksel Arslan is expected from Istanbul. (TIHV, July 11, 2002)
Mass Grave in Sason
The public prosecutor in Batman announced that skeletons were found near Besevler hamlet, Heybeli village, Sason district (Batman). He said that the skulls and bones had been taken to the Morgue of the Forensic Institute for a DNA test to be carried. He doubted, however, whether the identities could be established after such a long time. (Zaman-TIHV, July 11, 2002)
Death at the Border
On 11 July a group of 25 people tried to enter Turkey from the Iran. Allegedly they opened fire, when the security forces in the Gölbasi region of the mount Small Ararat asked them to surrender. In the reported clash one person from Pakistan died and one person was injured. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, July 12, 2002)
Exiled Physicians
According to information by Istanbul Medical Association 6 physicians from the 70th Year Hospital for Education, Research and Physical Therapy were exiled (disciplinary transferred) from Istanbul on 8 July, despite the fact that they had not undergone any disciplinary investigation. The concerned physicians are chief doctor Hürriyet Yilmaz, board member of the honor council of Istanbul Medical Association, Derya Soy, representative of the trade union SES in the hospital and 4 members of SES. They were appointed to Igdir, Ardahan, Sirnak, Mus, Hakkari and Gümüshane. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 12, 2002)
No prosecution for Killing
Baskale Governor Mustafa Çoggün did not give permission to investigate the killing of Mümtaz Özdemir, a truck driver, who died on 24 May when soldiers of the gendarmerie shot at his vehicle near Kizilca village in Baskale district (Van), allegedly because he did not follow the "stop order". The governor stated that Mümtaz Özdemir had been suspected of smuggling and continued his journey with no lights on, despite orders to stop. After 280 meters the officials shot at the tires and a ricochet hit the driver in his right leg. Since blood was seen on his left leg first aid had wrongly been applied to that leg, but since there was no bad intention he (the governor) had to turn down the demand for an investigation. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 13, 2002)
Eren Keskin on Trial
The prosecutor at Istanbul SSC indicted Eren Keskin, chairwoman of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) with incitement to hatred and enmity (Article 312 TPC) for a speech on "womenís rights" she held in Cologne (Germany) on invitation of the Alevites Womenís Union in Germany. The investigation had been started after the daily "Hürriyet" reported on the speech under the headline "Slander of Soldiersí Assaulting". Another investigation into the speech based on Article 159 TPC has not been terminated yet. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 13, 2002)
Meeting Hindered in Konya
On 13 July the police in Konya hindered a meeting by the Initiative to Develop a Stand of Women (KATAGI) under the title of "Women Walking Towards Each Other". The women, who had come from Istanbul, Ankara, Mersin, Bursa, Izmir, Antakya and Batman asked the police officers, who wanted to film the meeting, to leave. First Pinar Selek announced that the meeting could not be held under such conditions and, after two hours, the meeting began only to be postponed to another date. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 14, 2002)
The "Gazi" Case
The First Chamber of the Court of Cassation confirmed the verdict of Trabzon Criminal Court in the retrial of the so-called "Gazi" case. During the events in Gazi quarter of Istanbul, 19 people had died on 12 and 13 March 1995. On 5 November 2001 Trabzon Criminal Court had found police officer Adem Albayrak guilty of three killings and sentenced him to 5 years' imprisonment (reduced by several provisions including Article 50 TPC). The defendant Mehmet Gündogan was convicted for one killing and received a sentence of 20 months' imprisonment. Both sentences were suspended according to Law No. 4616. On 15 December 2000 the Court of Cassation had confirmed the acquittal of the remaining 18 police officers, passed by Trabzon Criminal Court in the first round that concluded on 3 March 2000. Lawyer Remzi Kazmaz, acting for the sub-plaintiffs, stated that they would take the case to the European Court of Human Rights. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
The Akkise Events
The case against officer Ali Çaliskan concerning the events in Akkise (Konya) on 9 August 2001 continued at Seydisehir Criminal Court on 15 July. Five soldiers testified to the effect that the officer had not given an order to shoot. But other witnesses including, Abdullah Kayaalp, Mayor of Akkise, held the officer responsible for the incident. The incident in Akkise started when two people could not identify themselves during a check by the gendarmerie. The officer Ali Çaliskan came with some 100 soldiers and Hasan Gültekin (21) was killed, Sami Tokmak, Kemal Candan and Ismet Tasbasi were injured. A trial against 52 soldiers and 22 civilians is continuing at Ahirli Penal Court. Seydisehir Criminal Court rejected a demand to release the defendant and adjourned the hearing to 13 August. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
The Amnesty Bill
The Constitutional Court decided to abolish the exclusion of sentences up to 6 monthsí imprisonment for escape from military prisons. The Constitutional Court took the decision upon an application from the Military Court of the General Staff. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
Batman IHD under Pressure
Deputy Governor of Batman, Kemal Cirit, sent a letter to the Batman branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) asking them to terminate the membership of Suayip Alp, Rehsan Rencüzogullari and Hülya Özevin. They are teachers and members of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen. Eight months ago the governor had asked for the expulsion of 11 teachers arguing that civil servants cannot be members of associations. Since Batman IHD did not follow the order the board was expelled from office and only got back in office, after 8 teachers withdrew their membership. Osman Baydemir, deputy chairman of the IHD, stated that there was no provision that civil servant were not allowed to be members of associations. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
Case against TIHV in Diyarbakir
On 16 July Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 1 started to hear the case of lawyer Sezgin Tanrikulu, representing the Human Right Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) in Diyarbakir, on charges of "keeping illegal publications in the offices of the TIHV". Sezgin Tanrikulu stated that the search on 7 September 2001 was carried out in an unlawful manner. The publications had been sent to the representation office of the TIHV for reading and were disposed afterwards. The hearing was adjourned to 26 November. In the meantime the file on "opening a health center without permission", a case heard at Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 2 shall be inspected. (TIHV, July 17, 2002)
Death in Prison
On 15 July Volkan Agirman (25) allegedly committed suicide in Kandira F-type Prison. Following the operations against the prisons that started on 19 December 2000 Volkan Agirman had been transferred from Ümraniye to Kandira F-type Prison. Here he terminated the hunger strike and accepted the prison rules. According to his uncle Ismet Agirman he did not accept to become a "confessor" and was held under isolation in a cell for one person. Ismet Agirman stated that he committed suicide by hinging himself with the bed linen at the staircase. The Union of Prisonersí Relatives (TUYAB) alleged that bruises were found on various parts of the body of Volkan Agirman. He was buried on 16 July after an autopsy by the Forensic Institute. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
The Dev-Yol trial
On 16 July Ankara Criminal Court No. 6 passed its verdict on 23 alleged members of "Devrimci Yol" (Dev-Yol=Revolutionary Path). The original trial against 574 defendants had started at Ankara Military Court No. 1 on 18 October 1982. During the trial the number of defendants had risen to 723. On 17 July 1989 the court had announced its verdict. 7 defendants were sentenced to death, 39 to life imprisonment and 346 defendants had received sentences between 2 and 20 yearsí imprisonment. The 11th Chamber of the Court of Cassation had quashed the sentence of 23 defendants arguing that they should have been sentenced to death. During yesterdayís hearing the court announced that all defendants should be sentenced to death, but 2 defendants, who at the time of the offence were minors (less than 18 years old), would receive sentences of 16 yearsí and 8 monthsí imprisonment. The death penalty according to Article 146/1 TPC was announced against Cahit Akçam, Halil Yasin Ketenoglu, Bünyamin Inan, Murat Parlakay, Turhan Yalçin Bürkev, Erdogan Genç, Nuri Özdemir, Osman Nuri Ramazanoglu, Hidir Adiyaman, Nurettin Aytun, Emin Koçer, Hasan Ertürk, Yasar Kambur, Atalay Dede, Veli Yildirim, Hüseyin Aslan, Mehmet Akin Dirik, Melih Pekdemir, Celal Mut, Hilmi Izmirli, Mehmet Hassoy and Yusuf Yildirim. The sentences for Veli Yildirim and Hüseyin Aslan were commuted to 16 yearsí and 8 monthsí imprisonment because of minor age and the other sentences were commuted to life imprisonment because of good conduct. Regarding the Law to Fight Terrorism (reduction in the execution of sentences) and the time the defendants had spent in pre-trial detention the court did not order arrest and imprisonment. The file of Yeter Günes, who had not testified during the trial, was separated. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
Civil Servants on Trial
On 15 July Urfa Penal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of 2,700 civil servants, who participated in the one-day no-work action by the Labor Platform on 1 December 2000. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests
The political police in Istanbul announced the detention of Emine Aridici (25), Silan Yildiz (32) and her cousin Fatma Yildiz (24). The three women had been detained upon the testimony of Aziz Özer, who was captured in Van. It is expected that the women will be taken to Istanbul SSC today. (Milliyet-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
The "Manisa" Case
On 17 July Manisa Criminal Court conducted the 41st hearing in connection with the torture of the juveniles from Manisa. 10 police officers are on trial, charged with having tortured 16 juveniles between 26 December 1995 and 5 January 1996. The defendants Halil Emir, Levent Özvez and Musa Geçer were present, but the defendants Turgut Demirel, Engin Erdogan, Fevzi Aydog, Mehmet Emin Dal, Turgut Özcan, Atilla Gürbüz and Ramazan Kolak had not come. The presiding judge stated that the information on the defense lawyersí retreat could not be delivered to the defendant Turgut Özcan and, therefore, it was impossible to reach a verdict. Lawyer Serhan Özbek, chairman of Manisa Bar Association, acting for the sub-plaintiffs, repeated his fear that the police officers may go without punishment, because the time for punishment of the defendants will elapse in May 2003. The court adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Radikal-TIHV, July 18, 2002)
Case Against Hunger Strikers
On 17 July Üsküdar Criminal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 399 defendants, who had been in Üsküdar Prison at the time of the operation against the prisons in December 2000. The defendants Remziye Yasar, Ayten Öztürk (remanded), Salman Akgün and Gülfidan Demir (not under arrest) testified to the effect that the real guilty ones were those, who gave the order for the operation. The defense asked that the defendants imprisoned in Edirne and Kandira F-type Prisons should be heard in person and that a bigger hall would be needed for that. The court rejected the demand and adjourned the hearing to a later date. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 18, 2002)
Oktay Konyar on Trial
On 16 July Soma Penal Court continued to hear the case of Oktay Konyar, chairman of the Environmental Executive Committee in Bergama, on charges of "insulting the police". Defense lawyer Mehmet Çiplak alleged that his client had been insulted, when he informed the police that he would speak at a press conference in a closed room. The hearing was adjourned to 12 September. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 18, 2002)
Trade Unionists on Trial
On 17 July Ankara Penal Court No. 7 started to hear the case of the trade unionists Nurettin Kiliçdogan and Abidin Kandeger from TÜMTIS (car industries). Allegedly they bear the police officer Serdar Ufuk Seyhan during a sit-in organized by the confederation Türk-Is in the Güvenpark in Ankara on 15 and 16 May. The defendants pleaded guilty stating that they had tried to calm down the dispute between the police and the workers. The hearing was adjourned to 8 October. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 18, 2002)
Torture in Istanbul
On 18 July staff of the journal "Yeniden Atilim" held a press conference at the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD). They alleged to have been tortured that after their detention on 10 July. Editor-in-chief Müge Molvali stated that they were held for 4 days without sleep. They had been forced to sit on chairs, out under psychological pressure, forced to become police informers, threatened with imprisonment and detention of their relatives. She added that they will file an official complaint on 22 July. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Death in Custody
The public prosecutor in Fatih (Istanbul) has indicted the police officers Sefik Kul, deputy chief of police, Mehmet Artunay, director of the department to fight terrorism, Osman Kursun, Saldiray Öztürk, Celil Zilyaoglu, Yücel Ceylan and Ahmet Asim Isik in connection with the death of Yunus Güzel at Istanbul Police HQ. on 23 October 2001. They will be tried at Fatih Penal Court No. 5 charged with misconduct of their duty. The first hearing will be on 19 September. Yunus Güzel was detained on 16 October 2001 on suspicion of being a member of the Revolutionary Peopleís Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), who was about to act as a "living bomb" (carry out a suicidal attack). Officially he committed suicide by hanging himself at his bed, which he had put against the wall. Lawyer Behiç Asçi, however, stated that witnesses had testified that Yunus Güzel had been tortured. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 20, 2002)
Lawyers Attacked
Two lawyers registered to the Istanbul Bar, Gülden Sönmez and Sevim Aniktar declared that they were attacked by the public servants in the Metris Closed Prison when on 19 July they went there to meet their clients E_ref Adak and Ramazan Çelik. According to the information the lawyers gave, the incident happened when, after determining traces of torture on the bodies of their clients, the lawyers tried to give petition to the prison administration asking for the transfer of Adak and Çelik to the Forensic Institute. Sönmez and Aniktar were reportedly insulted and harassed by the First Director of the Prison and some ten public servants and were forcibly taken out of the prison. (TIHV, July 23, 2002)
Trade Unionists on Trial
The case launched against 85 members of the teachersí trade union E_itim-Sen in Silvan on charges of participating the "one-day-stop-working" action organized by the Labor Platform on 1 December 2000, ended in acquittal at Silvan Penal Court on 22 July. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 23, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests
In Antep, Yasemin Ekinci was detained together with another person whose name is unknown on the allegation of "being members of Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK)". The police raided a house located in the vicinity of Karacam village of Geyve district (Sakarya) and detained 35 persons on the allegation of "organizing a religious ceremony". The interrogation launched against economist Atilla Yesilada, who had used the attribute "sayin" (meaning honorable, but used as frequent as Mister or Misses) for PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in a speech he made in a meeting in Sile ended in a decision of discontinuing the proceedings. The prosecutor of the State Security Court (SSC) had initiated an interrogation against Yesilada on charges of violation Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law (dissemination seperatist propagande), but later he had decided to send the file to the public prosecutor of Sile arguing that the interrogation should be carried out according to Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) (inciting people to hatred and enmity). After receiving the file, the public prosecutor in Sile resent it to the Istanbul SSC. Finally, the Istanbul SSC prosecutor gave a decision of discontinuing the proceedings for a second time. (Cumhuriyet-Yeni Safak-TIHV, July 23, 2002)
Torture in Istanbul
Serious allegations of torture have come from Zeytinburnu Merkez Efendi Police Station. On 15 July a large number of people were detained in Yesiltepe quarter of Zeytinburnu (Istanbul) and taken to that police station. The police claimed that the detainees had shouted slogans in favour of KADEK, while others stated that Kurds and Albanians had fought with each other. One of the Kurdish juveniles, Adulaziz Dogan was taken to Haseki Education and Research Hospital and the next day to Yedikule Centre for Chest Orthopedy. Finally he was certified inability to work for 25 days by a report of Bakirköy Forensic Institute. The report also said that the patient had been in a life threatening situation. For the fellow detained Ramazan Çelik (23), Sükrü Oran (18) and Esref Adak (19) the Forensic Institute also issued reports. Stating that they had not been in a life threatening situation Esref Adak was certified inability to work for 5 days, Ramazan Çelik for 7 days and Sükrü Oran for 10 days, since all of them had wounds on various parts of their bodies. Abdüllaziz Dogan was released without being presented to a prosecutor, but Adak, Oran and Çelik were remanded and taken to Metris Prison. Here lawyer Gülden Sönmez could see them and described bruises and wounds in detail and said that one of them was wounded to his head, because of beatings with a truncheon. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 24, 2002)
The F-type Prisons
The six F-type prisons in Turkey are Edirne, Tekirdag, Bolu, Kocaeli-Kandira, Ankara-Sincan and Izmir-Kiriklar. They have a capacity to hold 2,208 prisoners in cells designed for one or three persons. Not only the prisoners, but also the personnel complains about isolation, since the prisons are outside the cities and accomodation was built for the staff and their families close to the prisons. They also complain of supervising by cameras over the whole day. The prisoners and their lawyers complain about the psychological effects of isolation, while physicians from the Medical Association of Turkey (TTB) state that patients have difficulties to spent an isolated life. According to information by the TTB prisoners with serious diseases are held in single cells. Some of them are: Ali Yalçin, Nevzat Kalayci, Aziz Dogan, Turgut Köklü, Güldede Çeven, Fevzi Saygili, Bekir Simsek and Haydar Ceylan. So far 293 convicts were released temporarily according to Article 399 of the Criminal Procedure Code. The courts ordered the release of 80 defendants on remand and the State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer pardoned 27 prisoners. 482 prisoners applied to the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey for treatment of the Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome. Currently 34 prisoner continue the death fast action and 5 an indefinte hunger strike. 24 of the activists are being held in hospitals. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 24, 2002)
Death Fasts
State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer pardoned the prisoners Gülay Incesu and Eylem Yesilbas, who are suffering from the Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome. Istanbul SSC had convicted Gülay Incesu on 24 December 1999 as a member of the Workersí and Peasantsí Liberation Army of Turkey (TIKKO) and sentenced her to 12.5 yearsí imprisonment. Eylem Yesilbas was tried at Malatya SSC for membership of the Revolutionary Peopleís Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C). On 16 September 1997 she was sentenced to 12.5 yearsí imprisonment. Both prisoners had recently been released temporarily. (TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Death in Prison
Seyhmus Demir reportedly committed suicide in Adana E-type Prison. Demir had been imprisoned for ìrapeî and allegedly hanged himself in the toilet. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Attack by Right-Wingers
On 23 July Mehmet Sögüt, student at Istanbul University, Law Faculty, held a press conference at the offices of the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association and said that on 12 July he was attacked by 3 masked men, when he left his home in Çapa district. He alleged to have been beaten with iron sticks. Other had caught one of the attackers, who turned out to be Hayrullah Ural, student at Marmara University, who is known to follow the Nationalist Action Party (MHP). The prosecutor had released the attacker shortly afterwards. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 25, 2002)
The Gazal Berü Case in Bingöl
Relatives of Gazal Berü (11), who was killed in Yigitler village, Karliova district (Bingöl) on 19 March 2001, when she was bitten by dogs of the soldiers, opened a case for compensation, asking the Ministry of the Interior to pay TL 1.1 billion. They alleged that the soldiers had stood in a distance of 5 meters, but had not intervened. Reportedly the dogs are educated for fighting against "terrorists" and should be let lose. Officials had stated that the dog did not belong to the military. Witnesses, who talked to the Humran Rights Association (HRA) and the governor, however, had stated that the dogs belonged to the soldiers. The governor of Karliova had not given permission to investigate against the soldiers. The objection by the family was turned down by Mus Criminal Court. Another official complaint on accusation of "murder" was also rejected. A decision on an application to the Constitutional Court has not been taken so far. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 26, 2002)
Trial of Anarchists in Izmir
On 25 July Izmir SSC acquitted Muammer Özgür Küçüktekin, Ahmet Serkan Tomar, Sabri Serkan Kazak, Onur Ayaz and Rahmi Tiril of charges under Article 7/1 of the Law to Fight Terrorism. On 1 December 2001 they had distributed leaflets in Usak during an action of workers and later been accused with membership of an anarchist organization. The Court ruled that the offence had not been committed. All defendants had been imprisoned until 3 April. (Radikal-TIHV, July 26, 2002)
1 September World Peace Day
The 29 people, who were detained in Diyarbakir, when they wanted to go to Ankara for the celebration of World Peace Day on 1 September 2001, will have to pay TL 8.6 billion for having injured the police officers Kubilay Yücesoy, Atilla Özyürek, Yusuf Arslan, Adem Beyazit, Semih Yilmaz, Yusuf Güner, Ergün Kasap and Halil Subasi. The Ministry of the Interior stated that the Ministry had paid that much in compensation. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 26, 2002)
Students Dismissed in Eskisehir
The students Gözde Molla Ibrahimoglu, Mustafa Karadag, Nuray Büyücek, Özgür Cihan Tiknazoglu and Pinar Çelik from the Anatolian University in Eskisehir, who participated in a protest action against the Law for High Schools on 25 January, were dismissed from university. The student Ali Çit from Osmangazi University, who participated in the same action was banned from the lessons for six months. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 27, 2002)
Detentions and arrests at cemetries
On 27 July many people gathered at Karacaahmet and Sarigazi Cemetries to commemorate the victims of the death fast action in 1996. The gendarmerie intervened and detained 58 people including Fikret Lüle, Semiray Yilmaz, Aysel Tepeli, Gülnaz Tepeli, Zozan Günes, Mehmet Dogan, Melek Altintas, Hanife Yildiz, Esen Ergin, Ismail Karagöz, Yesim Sönmez and Ersin Sedefoglu. In Izmir the gendarmerie did not allow demonstrators to enter Kaynaklar Cemetry in commemoration of the victims Müjdat Yanat and Tahsin Yilmaz. Yusuf Özseçkin, Selahattin Siraçoglu and Yilmaz Aydin were detained. (28 July, Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 28, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul
On 27 July the police detained about 20 people, who distributed leaflets of the Turkish Communist Party (TKP) in Üsküdar and Kadiköy against the closure of the glass factory Pasabahçe. On 26 July Figen Erkus and Meltem Erkus, who had been detained during the First Culture, Arts and Tourism Festival in Dogubeyazit (Agri) on allegations of having shouted slogans, were arrested on 26 July. Celal Özer, who tried to cross the border from Iraq to Turkey near Semdinli (Hakkari), was arrested on 25 July. Reportedly he had to be taken to Semdinli State Hospital, because of ìtortureî. Seferi Yilmaz and Enver Atabag, who had been detained together with him, were released. Süleyman Oyar, Mahmut Kaya, Idris Kalik, Aydin Özdemir, Yusuf Turan, Serif Askan, Ahmet Temel, Mehmet Can Alkas, Rasit Azdin, Abdullah Sahin, Ismet Baran, Serif Danis, Hüseyin Kaya, Halil Kara and Mesut Oy, who had been arrested after the Newroz celebrations in Mersin, were released on 24 July. The arrest warrants in absentia against Sitki Seçkin, Alhas Güzel, Emine Aydin, Cemal Demirtas, Abdulhakim Bahadir, Hafit Cihangir, Ubeydullah Askan, Muhittin Demir, Veynet Akdemir, Cuma Siyahlar, Abdullah Nacar, Macit Albayrak and Ubeyit Alim were lifted. (27 July, Yedinci Gündem)
Death in Prison
Remanded prisoner Mehmet Teke committed suicide in Van Prison on 28 July. He had been imprisoned for drug offences and reportedly hanged himself with a rope at the heating pipe. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 230, 2002)
Strike at Glass Factory
In Beykoz district 870 workers continue to occupy the premises of the historic Pa_abahçe Factory since 22 July. The action is a response to the announcement of closure and subsequent compulsory 2 weeks' holiday. Representatives from the Human Rights Association (HRA) and journalists were not allowed close to the factory. Following the detention of 20 members of the Turkish Communist Party (TKP), who distributed leaflets against the closure of the factory, some 32 members of the Labor Party (EMEP) were detained in front of the factory, when they came for a supportive visit. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 26, 2002)
Verdict on Hasan Celal Güzel
The Constitutional Court rejected the demand of the chief prosecutor at the Court of Cassation that Hasan Celal Güzel, chairman of the New Birth Party (YDP), had to lay down his membership of the party because of a conviction under Article 312 TPC. The Court ruled that the changes in this article have to be interpreted in favor of the defendant. It further argued that the sentence had been executed (Hasan Celal Güzel was imprisoned on 16 December 1999 and released on 10 May 2000) and the defendant would have benefited from the Law No. 4454 on Trials and Sentences for Crimes committed via the Press or the Media and the Law No. 4616 on Conditional Release and Suspension of 22 December 2000. While the sentence of someone, who had not gone to prison, would have been suspended, the defendant should not be treated differently. He should not lose the political rights, if he did not commit a similar offence in the next three years. This verdict may constitute a sample for Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the leader of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), who had been convicted under Article 312 TPC for a speech in Siirt and who served his sentence. (Radikal-TIHV, July 30, 2002)
Verdict in TIKKO Trial
On 30 July Ankara SSC passed its verdict in the case against Münevver Iltimur and Selver Orman, staff members of the journali ìAtilimî. The court sentenced them to 45 months' imprisonment for supporting the Workers' and Peasants' Liberation Army of Turkey (TIKKO) according to Article 169 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
Schizophrenian Prisoner Not Released
Reportedly Mehmet Akatekin is not released from prison, although he is suffering from schizophrenia. His brother Seyhmuz Akatekin stated that Mehmet Akatekin was detained in 1993. He was charged with killing the owner of Sakizli village in Adana province in the name of an illegal organization and sentenced to life imprisonment. ìMy brother participated in the hunger strike actions in 1994 and 1996. In 1994 he was transferred from Malatya to Bursa Prison. Here his illness was certified and since that time I am trying to get him out of prison. As long as he is not kept in isolation fellow prisoners can look after him, but his situation is getting worse under prison conditions. My brother was transferred to Gebze Prison and treated for some time at Bakirköy Hospital for Mental Diseases. For a long time we did not succeed to have him transferred to Ceyhan Prison, where we could visit him frequently, since we are living in Adana. Shortly after the transfer the operation against the prisons started in December 2000. My brother was seriously wounded and had to be treated at Adana State Hospital for one week. On 30 December he was transferred to Sincan F-type Prison and put in a cell for a single person. His situation got really bad and he did not even recognize us. We did not succeed to have him transferred to a cell for three persons, but finally we managed to get him back to Ceyhan. Now we are trying to have him treated outside the prison, but so far without success.î (Evrensel-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
Verdict on Hasan Celal Güzel Withdrawn
The verdict by the Consitutional Court concerning Hasan Celal Güzel,
former chair of the New Birth Party (YDP), stating that he may be a member
of a political party, despite a conviction under Article 312 TPC was withdrawn
from the internet address under "www.anayasa.org.tr". An official from
the Consitutional Court said that the Court had dealt with the case, but
not found the final wording. The verdict that should have been announced
in the Official Gazette had wrongly been placed in the internet and had
been withdrawn. (Milliyet-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA
Liberté de la presse: la Turquie condamnée par la Cour européenne
La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a condamné mardi à Strasbourg l'Etat turc pour violation de la liberté d'expression d'une journaliste d'Istanbul, éditrice et rédactrice en chef d'une revue intitulée "La Voix de la jeunesse".
Mme Seher Karatas, 32 ans, avait publié en juillet 1994 un article qui appelait la jeunesse à l'union avec la classe ouvrière afin de lutter contre le chômage et la misère, et qui dénonçait un système porteur d'instabilité et de crise, selon le communiqué de la Cour européenne.
Accusée d'incitation du peuple à la haine et à l'hostilité, Mme Karatas avait été condamnée en juillet 1995 par la cour de sûreté de l'Etat à une peine de prison d'un an et huit mois, plus tard convertie en une forte peine d'amende.
Selon la Cour européenne, l'article incriminé relevait du "discours politique" et contenait un appel à la grève et à la résistance générale qui "ne le rend pas contraire aux règles démocratiques, d'autant plus qu'il ne se distingue guère de celui lancé par des mouvements politiques dans d'autres pays membres du Conseil de l'Europe".
Aucun passage ne justifie des actes terroristes ou ne préconise la violence ou la répression sanglante, souligne la Cour pour qui la condamnation de la journaliste est "disproportionnée" dans une société démocratique.
Mme Karatas recevra donc 4.500 euros pour dommage moral et 2.500 euros pour frais et dépens. (AFP, 9 juillet 2002)
La Turquie s'engage à faire plus pour la liberté d'expression
La Turquie, régulièrement condamnée par la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme pour des violations de la liberté d'expression de militants pro-kurdes, s'est une nouvelle fois engagée jeudi à faire plus pour garantir ce droit.
Dans une déclaration jointe à une affaire réglée à l'amiable, les autorités turques s'engagent "à opérer toutes les modifications du droit et de la pratique internes nécessaires dans ce domaine".
Dans cette affaire, l'Etat turc a accepté, dans le cadre d'un règlement à l'amiable, de verser 7.000 euros à un ressortissant turc condamné à un an de prison pour avoir prononcé "un discours sur les problèmes du peuple kurde et (...) sur les solutions possibles à y apporter".
"L'ingérence incriminée dans le cas d'espèce (...) constitue une illustration supplémentaire" du fait que "le droit et la pratique turcs doivent d'urgence être mis en conformité avec les exigences résultant de l'article 10 de la Convention" (liberté d'expression), explique la Turquie.
Depuis quelques mois, la Turquie a réglé à l'amiable plusieurs affaires concernant les droits des militants kurdes (liberté d'expression, droit à la vie, violence policière), s'engageant à mieux les garantir. (AFP, 11 juillet 2002)
Raid on the weekly Atilim's office
Fifteen people were detained following a police raid on the offices of the weekly journal "Yeniden Atilim" (New Advance) on 10 July. They are Necati Abay (m), Sonnur Saglamer (f), Nadiye Gürbüz (f), Ali Ihsan Topçu (m), Remziye Tursun (f), Gökçen Arabul (m), Mustafa Arabul (m), Altan Koman (m), Gökhan Özdemir (m), Seçil Gültekin (f), Nuran Dogan (f), Özgür Çubuk (m), Burcu Gümüs (f), Mülge Molvali (f), Murat Güner (m).
They are being held at the Anti-Terror Branch of Police Headquarters in the borough of Aksaray in Istanbul and are at risk of torture and ill-treatment.
During the raid, police officers from the anti-terror branch allegedly confiscated technical equipment, the newspaper's archives and destroyed computers. Part of the office was also destroyed.
The offices of the Union of Female Labourers and "Dayanisma" (Solidarity) newspaper were also raided on the same day, in what appears to be an operation against certain leftist circles. Amnesty International has repeatedly received allegations of torture of staff at "Yeniden Atilim" and similar newspapers. Süleyman Yeter, trade unionist and journalist of "Dayanisma", died as a result of torture in early 1999 and Asiye Güzel, correspondent of "Atilim", was reportedly raped under torture in 1997.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION: Torture appears to be used routinely in police and gendarmerie stations, to extract confessions, elicit information about illegal organizations, intimidate detainees into becoming police informers or as unofficial punishment for presumed support of illegal organizations.
Torture methods in Turkey documented by Amnesty International include severe beatings, being stripped naked and blindfolded, hosing with pressurized ice-cold water, suspending by the arms or wrists bound behind the victim's back, electric shocks, beating the soles of the feet, death threats and sexual assault. (AI Index, July 11, 2002)
RSF warns tourists of censorship in Turkey
Reporters without Borders, a Paris-based media freedom watchdog, launched a publicity campaign on Tuesday telling tourists to Cuba, Tunisia and Turkey that the press there is censored, the Reuters news agency reported on Wednesday.
The warning came on the day Turkey was celebrating the 94th anniversary of the lifting of censorship.
In a television commercial, a tourist keeps setting off a metal detector, even after he has removed all metal items from his pockets to pass through the security gate.
Finally a security guard finds a newspaper in his pocket and throws it away. The tourist passes through the metal detector without a problem.
In newspaper advertisements, the signs inside an aircraft showing the "fasten seatbelts" and "no smoking" icons are joined by an image of a newspaper with a line drawn through it.
"We remind passengers to Cuba, Tunisia and Turkey that the news is censored in those countries," the ads announce.
"This summer, Reporters without Borders invites you to discover the underside of the decor, the hidden face of the postcard, where censorship is everywhere," the group said in a statement.
Reporters without Borders said Cuba harassed independent journalists and four were currently in jail. It also cited the cases of two jailed journalists in Tunisia.
In Turkey, it added, the issues of the Kurdish minority or the role of the army in running the country cannot be discussed openly in the media. At least five journalists are jailed there for publishing information the state did not want printed, it said. (Turkish Daily News, July 25, 2002)
CGD: "Censorship continues in Turkey"
Coinciding with the 94th year of the abolishment of censorship in Turkey, the Contemporary Association of Journalists (CGD) emphasised the continuation of censorship.
The president of the Contemporary Association of Journalists Istanbul Branch, Baris Yarkadas, said that not only did censorship exist in Turkey but that it had been institutionalised.
In a press conference in the Istanbul headquarters, Yarkadas said that celebrating the 94th year of the abolishment of censorship would be totally meaningless.
"We can not celebrate the abolishment of censorship in a country where censorship has become institutionalised. Just a few days ago the offices of the newspaper Atilim were raided. The weekly Yedinci Gundem was closed down for 15 days. Evrensel can still not be sold in the areas under the Emergency Rule", he said.
Yarkadas noted that several journalists were still in prison and that the new media laws had literally institutionalised censorship.
As the 94th year of the abolishment of censorship was being celebrated in Turkey, the owner of Aram Publishings, Fatih Tas, had to pay 6 billion 477 million Turkish liras for having published Halil UysalÇs book titled "The language of the life on the mountains". Tas was being persecuted for having breached Article 59 of the Turkish Penal Code for having "praised an armed terrorist organisation by means of media". (Robin Kurd, KurdishMedia.com, July 26, 2002)
Famous Turkish singer on flag 'insult' charge
Hulya Avsar's problems began with a viewer's complaint A Turkish pop star has been charged with insulting the country's flag - after she walked on a stage covered with balloons bearing the country's emblem and kicked one of them.
Hulya Avsar, a singer, actress and talk-show hostess, could face a six-month prison sentence for the offence.
The two businessmen who sold the balloons, and two women employees who equipped the TV station, were also charged, said a local news agency.
The prosecution was sparked by a complaint from a viewer who saw Ms Avsar's appearance on a private TV channel in April.
The singer apparently kicked the balloons by accident and the viewer's complaint - that she had insulted the national flag
has itself attracted much public criticism.
The indictment by Turkish prosecutors said the five accused had breached the Turkish Flag Law, which states "the flag cannot be put in places where it can be trodden on and cannot be reproduced on objects".
The incident has prompted debates in the country about whether parliament should reform the law, which was adopted in the 1930s following the establishment of modern Turkey on the ashes of the Ottoman Empire.
It is not yet known when Ms Avsar's hearing will begin. (BBC, 26 July, 2002)
Violations of thought freedom in brief
Journalist Convicted
On 9 July Istanbul SSC No. 2 convicted Abdurrahman Dilipak, author with the daily "Vakit", under Article 312/2 TPC for an article of 23 June 2000 in the weekly "Cuma" criticizing the closure of the Koran Schools. He was sentenced to 2 yearsí imprisonment. The sentence was lowered to 18 monthsí imprisonment according to Article 59 TPC and afterwards suspended. Dilipak said that he would appeal against the verdict. (Vakit-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Concert Prevented
In Karakoçan district (Elazig) the police intervened into a concert by the Group "Eylül Yagmurlari" (September Rain). The group was torn from the stage, when they started to sing Kurdish songs. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Writer on Trial
On 10 July Istanbul SSC No. 6 started to hear the case of the writer Ömer Asan for his book "The Culture of Ponthos". He is charged with disseminating separatist propaganda. In his 11-page testimony Ömer Asan rejected the charges stating that his book did not contain the claim that "people from Ponthos are still living in the Black Sea region". He asked for his acquittal. The court rejected the demand stating that the investigation had not been terminated. The hearing was adjourned for the court to inspect speeches Ömer Asan made on TV. The book had first been published in May 1996. The second edition dates April 2000. The case was launched after a program on ATV on 12 and 19 January 2002 during which Ömer Asan's book was criticized. Afterwards Istanbul SSC ordered the confiscation of the book. The prosecution turned down an objection arguing that the period of one year, during which cases against books have to be filed, had not expired, because he could not find any notice that the printing house had forwarded a copy to the prosecution office in question and he had received a copy only on 16 January 2002. If convicted Ömer Asan has to expect a sentence of between 14 months and 4 yearsí imprisonment. (TIHV, July 11, 2002)
Pressure on Press
On 10 July officers of the police department to fight terrorism raided the premises of Etkin Agency, where the journal "Yeniden Atilim" is printed. They detained Müge Molvali, Ali Ihsan Topçu, Necati Abay, Gökçen Arabul, Gökhan Özdemir, Nuran Dogan, Sevil Gültekin, Altan Koman, Nadiye Gürbüz, Sonnur Saglamer, Remziye Tursun, Songül Akbay, Murat Günes and Burcu Gümüs and confiscated the computers. (TIHV, July 11, 2002)
Journalist on Trial
On 12 July Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 continued to hear several cases against the journalist and writer Ahmet Altan related to articles in the magazine "Aktüel". For the articles entitled "The Generals should return to their barracks", "Put these generals on trial and name the journalists", "From Sarikamis to the Mediterranean" and "Nights Over There" Ahmet Altan is charged with insulting the armed forces. In relation to the last article Ahmet Altan stated that he had raised the case of two young persons from the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP), who "disappeared" in Silopi, but instead of clarifying their fate the General Command of the Gendarmerie had asked the Justice Ministry to file an official complaint against him. Ahmet Altan said, "If it is a crime to ask for justice, I shall continue to commit this crime." The presiding judge adjourned the hearings for the newly appointed prosecutor to inspect the files. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 12, 2002)
Pressure on the Press
The 14 people, who had been detained on 10 July during the raid of the offices of the journal "Yeniden Atilim", were released on 15 July. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
Journalists Convicted
On 16 July Istanbul SSC reached a verdict in the case against the weekly "Yedinci Gündem" for an interview with Cemil Bayik, one of the leaders of the PKK in the edition of 25 August 2001. Hidir Ates, owner of the paper, was fined TL 4.7 billion and Hünkar Demirel, editor-in-chief, was fined TL 2.35 billion. The court also ordered that the paper has to stay closed for 15 days. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
Owner of Radio and TV on Trial
On 16 July Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 1 conducted the 3rd hearing against Nevzat Bingöl, owner of the radio and TV station "Gün". He is charged with violating Law No. 3257 (playing forbidden songs that might lead to social unrest in the region) by broadcasting clips of the singer Ahmet Kaya entitled "What about my Youth, Mother", "Happy Birthday" and "Everyone Cares about his own Affairs" on 25 July 2001. Nevzat Bingöl stated that the music had earlier been played on the TV station "Kanal 7" and he had not been informed that these songs were on a list of banned songs. The hearing was adjourned to a later date. The defendant has to expect a fine of up to TL 4 billion if convicted. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
RTÜK Decisions
For the first time since the changes in the Law on Establishing and Broadcasting of Radio and TV Station in May providing that bans on broadcastings are not possible any longer the High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK) passed penalties. During the meeting of 19 July the Council ordered that Kanal 6 and Star TV have to apologize for not sticking to the principle of impartiality. The station Habertürk will have to apologize for an attack on privacy. Warnings were issued against Star TV for using the program for material interest, against TGRT for not using proper Turkish language, Mesaj TV for favoring political parties and for cutting news shorter than 30 minutes by commercials and against Flash TV, Moviemax and Moviemax 2 for broadcasting programs harmful for children at an early hour. (Radikal-TIHV, July 20, 2002)
Journal Distributors Detained
On 22 July, the distributors of the journal Demokratik Bakis (Democratic Vision) were detained in Ba_kale district (Van). The distributors were released after some 3 hours. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 23, 2002)
Publisher Convicted
Fatih Tas, the owner of Aram Publishing House, was sentenced to 45 monthsí imprisonment for the book by Halil Uysal entitled ìThe Language of Life in the Mountainsî. On 24 July Istanbul SSC ruled that the book contained propaganda for an illegal organization. The sentence was commuted to a fine of TL 6.5 billion. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Photographer Indicted
The prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC indicted Yücel Tunca for the slide show, he presented during the 2nd Culture and Artís Festival of Diyarbakir under the title ìHakkari My Loveî. He will be charged under Article 312 TPC with inciting the people to hatred and enmity. The slide show had been attended by 20 people. While showing the picture Yücel Tunca had read out a poem drawing attention to the young people being killed and villages being evacuated. The prosecutor maintained that he held the security forces responsible for the atrocities in the region. Yüncel Tunca said that he presented the same shows in many parts of Turkey without any objection. The picture had been published in the journals Panaroma and Turkuaz in 1994. It is expected that he will testify to Istanbul SSC today.(Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Photographer on Trial
On 25 July Yücel Tunca testified to the prosecutor at Istanbul SSC in connection with the case at Diyarbakir SSC (see item 07/129 of 25 July). He pleaded not guilty. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 26, 2002)
ìFreedom of Thought - 2000î
On 26 July Üsküdar Criminal Court No. 2 passed its verdict
on 16 people, who had signed the booklet ìFreedom of Thought ? 2000î as
publishers. The defendants Vahdettin Karabay (DISK ), Salim Uslu (Hak-Is),
Siyami Erdem (KESK), Hüsnü Öndül (HRA), Yavuz Önen
(HRFT), Cengiz Bektas, Atilla Maras, Yilmaz Ensaroglu (Mazlum-Der), Zuhal
Olcay, Lale Mansur, Sanar Yurdatapan, Ali Nesin, Erdal Öz, Ömer
Madra Etyen Mahçupyan, Sadik Tasdogan were acquitted of charges
under Article 159 TPC. (TIHV, July 28, 2002)
FORCES ARMEES / ARMED FORCES
La Turquie met $ 175 millions dans le projet d'avion américain JSF
La Turquie s'est engagée jeudi à investir 175 millions de dollars sur dix ans dans le développement du futur avion de combat américain Joint Strike Fighter (JSF), devenant ainsi le septième pays de l'OTAN à rejoindre ce projet, a annoncé le Pentagone.
Cette décision n'engage pas la Turquie à acquérir ces avions, mais donne à l'industrie turque un poids dans la poursuite du plus grand programme de développement d'avion de combat de l'histoire.
"C'est une bonne entente", a déclaré le secrétaire adjoint américain à la Défense chargé des acquisitions, Pete Aldridge, qui a signé un protocole d'accord avec le secrétaire adjoint de l'Industrie de la défense turque, Ali Ercan.
L'entente de dix ans accorde à la Turquie un statut de "partenaire égal", a déclaré M. Ercan.
Bien qu'il n'y ait pas de garantie que les industries turques obtiendront des contrats de fabrication des JSF, elles bénéficieront d'un certain "favoritisme" accordé aux partenaires, a expliqué M. Aldridge.
La Grande-Bretagne, le Canada, le Danemark, les Pays-Bas, la Norvège et l'Italie se sont déjà prononcés pour une participation au projet, qui prévoit la construction d'au moins 3.000 avions par l'industriel américain Lockheed Martin.
Des discussions sont par ailleurs en cours avec l'Australie, Singapour et Israël.
Le coût unitaire des appareils, déclinés en trois versions (pour porte-avions, en décollage vertical et en utilisation conventionnelle) est estimé par le Pentagone entre 37 et 47 millions de dollars.
Le JSF doit remplacer les avions de combat américains F-16, F/A-18 et le AV-8B Harrier. (AFP, 11 juillet 2002)
La Turquie va confier la modernisation de ses hélicoptères à Israël
La Turquie a décidé de confier la modernisation de quelque 300 hélicoptères, de différents types et principalement d'attaque, à la compagnie publique israélienne Israeli Military Industries (IMI) pour un montant de 110 millions de dollars, a-t-on appris vendredi de source officielle turque.
Le projet lancé en 1997 par le gouvernement turc prévoit d'installer des systèmes de guerre modernes et des appareils de "distribution de contre mesures" dans les hélicoptères afin de ne pas être la cible de missiles sol-air ou air-air, a précisé, à l'AFP une responsable du sous-secrétariat à l'industrie de défense (SSM).
Les hélicoptères seront dotés en outre d'autonomie de vol lorsqu'ils seront confrontés à un brouillage électronique de l'ennemi, a-t-elle souligné.
L'accord entre le gouvernement turc et IMI ainsi que la firme publique turque Aselsan, paretenaire du projet, doit être signé ce vendredi, a-t-elle ajoutée.
Ce projet est le deuxième à être confié aux Israéliens depuis le début de l'année après la modernisation de 170 chars M-60 de fabrication américaine à la compagnie publique israélienne dont est chargé IMI depuis mars pour un montant de 668 millions de dollars.
Cette décision avait été violemment condamné par les milieux islamistes en Turquie.
La Turquie, pays musulman mais à l'Etat laïque, est le principal allié régional d'Israël depuis 1996, date de la signature d'un accord de coopération militaire qui a soulevé la colère de la plupart des pays arabes et de l'Iran.
La Turquie, avec la plus grande armée en nombre au sein de l'OTAN après celle des Etats-Unis, son plus important fournisseur d'armes et allié stratégique, entend dépenser quelque 150 milliards de dollars sur les trente prochaines années pour moderniser son système de défense.
En raison de difficultés économiques dues à une
grave crise qui a éclaté en février 2001, elle a toutefois
repoussé sine die plusieurs projets, dont l'achat d'un millier de
chars d'assaut pour un montant de quelque 7 milliards de dollars, dans
lequel 4 firmes étaient en lice: Krauss-Maffei (Allemagne) General
Dynamics (Etats-Unis), GIAT (France) et Ukrspetseksport (Ukraine). (AFP,
19 juillet 2002)
QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION
"Objectionable Names Committees" to be established
The Ministry of Internal Affairs, with the notice sent to the governor's offices, decided to establish a "Name Committee" to prevent debates and different applications on whether or not names other than Turkish are given to children. The committee will be formed in every province under the chairmanship of the Deputy Governor and will include representatives from the Directorate of Population and Citizenship Affairs, the Provincial National Education Directorate and the Cultural Directorate. The Committee will investigate the meaning of the name that will be given to the child, whether or not the name is used a lot locally, whether or not it is in violation of the indivisible integrity of the state and whether or not it is difficult to pronounce in Turkish.
The prosecutor will be informed of those giving "objectionable" names to their children despite being warned. With this method, it is aimed to prevent the parents opening court cases against the population directors at the DGM and some citizens intentionally giving different names to their children. According to the former application of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, when a citizen wanted to give a name considered to be "objectionable" to his child, he was first of all confronted with the obstacle of the Directorate of Population and Citizenship Affairs. The Population Directors were not writing in the population registry logs the names, which they considered to be objectionable, but the parents wanted to give to the child. They were asking both the General Directorate and the Ministry and were following the procedures according to the answer received. They were notifying the prosecutor's office about those who insisted on giving an "objectionable" name to a child, despite the warnings.
It was revealed that a great number of people have problems due to their surnames, other than names having a political or ethnic message. Those who wanted to get rid of surnames, which allude to sexuality or which humiliate them in the society, had started to go to court. (Hurriyet, June 30, 2002)
La question kurde dans le rapport de l'OSCE
Du 6 au 10 Juillet 2002 plus de 300 parlementaires des 55 Etats différents se sont réunis au Bundestag à Berlin pour la 11ème session annuelle de l'Assemblée parlementaire de l'Organisation pour la sécurité et la coopération en Europe. Le débat, axé sur l'aspect politique, économique et humanitaire de la lutte internationale contre le terrorisme, a été suivi par une déclaration finale. Par ailleurs, un rapport élaboré par Svend J. Robinson pour la Commission de la démocratie, des droits de l'homme et des questions humanitaires, intitulé "Faire face au terrorisme : un défi à l'échelle planétaire pour le XXIème siècle', a été adopté.
Le Rapport déplore qu'"en Turquie, les maires HADEP sont victimes d'un harcèlement permanent, tel le maire de Hakkari, qui a été accusé d'activités subversives pour avoir publié un calendrier en anglais et en kurde". Il souligne également que "la langue kurde reste interdite à la radio et dans l'enseignement, et la députée Leyla Zana est toujours en prison".
"A Van, les forces de sécurité ont arrêté environ 500 étudiants pour avoir signé une pétition dans laquelle ils revendiquaient le droit de faire leurs études en kurde. Comme l'a dit l'avocat des droits de l'homme Osman Baydemir dans les semaines qui ont suivi le 11 septembre, 'le gouvernement croit qu'il peut faire tout ce qu'il veut maintenant, et l'Occident laissera faire'", indique le rapport.
Dans son projet de résolution, le rapporteur "encourage les Etats participants à contribuer aux efforts internationaux pour mettre fin aux injustices existant de longue date au Moyen-Orient, ce qui inclut le respect intégral des droits des Palestiniens et des minorités kurdes, et du droit pour tous les Etats de la région de vivre dans la paix et la sécurité'. (CILDEKT, 12 juillet 2002)
Trois ans et trois mois de prison pour un haut responsable du PKK
Un haut responsable du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, interdit en Allemagne) a été condamné mercredi par la cour d'appel de Duesseldorf (ouest) à trois ans et trois mois de prison ferme pour participation à une organisation criminelle.
Agé de 45 ans, l'homme a été reconnu coupable d'avoir dirigé une organisation régionale du PKK regroupant la Ruhr et la vallée du Rhin, dans l'ouest du pays.
Le quadragénaire, dont l'identité n'a pas été révélée, a également participé à la fabrication de faux papiers d'identité pour faire entrer illégalement des cadres et des courriers du PKK en Allemagne, ont estimé les juges.
Le PKK est interdit depuis 1993 en Allemagne, à la suite d'une vague d'attentats terroristes contre des intérêts turcs et allemands dans le pays. Depuis août 1996, les autorités le considèrent comme une organisation criminelle et non plus comme une organisation terroriste. (AFP, 10 juillet 2002)
Cour européenne: Ankara doit verser près de 24.000 euros à une Kurde
La Turquie devra verser au total près de 24.000 euros à Ulku Ekinci, une femme d'origine kurde dont le mari, un avocat qui ne cachait pas ses sympathies pour le nationalisme kurde, a été assassiné en 1994, a indiqué mardi la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme.
La Cour européenne a estimé que les autorités turques n'avaient pas mené "d'enquête adéquate et effective" sur les circonstances du décès de cet avocat.
En revanche, la Cour n'a pas reconnu, comme le soutenait Mme Ekinci, que son mari avait été tué dans des circonstances engageant la responsabilité des autorités turques en raison de l'absence "d'éléments de preuve suffisants".
Yusuf Ekinci, membre d'une famille kurde très connue, a été retrouvé mort le 25 février 1994 le long d'une autoroute dans la banlieue d'Ankara. Son corps avait été criblé de onze balles.
Selon son épouse, ce meurtre est l'un des quelque 400 assassinats "perpétrés par des inconnus" cette même année dont l'existence est établie par Amnesty International et la Fondation turque des droits de l'homme.
Yusuf Ekinci, qui avait été "dans une certaine mesure actif sur le plan politique jusqu'en 1990", a été tué dans des circonstances analogues à celles de l'un de ses clients assassiné un mois auparavant, Behçet Canturk, un homme d'affaires soupçonné de financer le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK).
Selon la Cour européenne, un rapport commandé par le gouvernement turc et publié en 1998 "donnait à penser que des agents de l'Etat étaient effectivement impliqués dans le meurtre" de cet homme d'affaires. (AFP, 16 juillet 2002)
Ankara reconnaît ses torts et indemnise les victimes kurdes
La Turquie a reconnu sa responsabilité dans les mauvais traitements infligés à un militant du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) et à une militante de gauche et a accepté d'indemniser les victimes, selon la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme.
Au terme d'un accord amiable, un militant du PKK âgé de 37 ans recevra environ 32.000 euros pour réparer son préjudice, après avoir été torturé en janvier 1994 dans les locaux de la direction de la sûreté d'Istanbul, selon un communiqué de la Cour publié mardi à Strasbourg.
Une jeune femme de 29 ans, membre de l'organisation illégale Dev-Sol (Gauche Révolutionnaire), victime de mauvais traitements lors de sa garde à vue à Istanbul en avril 1993, recevra du gouvernement turc une indemnité totale de près de 30.500 euros.
Dans une déclaration quasi-identique pour les deux cas, le gouvernement "regrette la survenance, comme en l'espèce, de cas individuels de mauvais traitements infligés par les autorités à des personnes en garde à vue, malgré la législation turque existante et la détermination du gouvernement d'empêcher de tels incidents".
Le gouvernement "s'engage à édicter les instructions appropriées et à adopter toutes les mesures nécessaires pour garantir l'interdiction de pareilles formes de mauvais traitements".
La semaine dernière, le Comité des ministres du Conseil de l'Europe a vivement critiqué les violations persistantes des droits de l'Homme en Turquie, candidate à l'adhésion à l'Union européenne
La réforme de la formation de la police, engagée depuis trois ans, "n'a encore donné aucun résultat visible et concret", a regretté l'exécutif de l'organisation dans une résolution. (AFP, 16 juillet 2002)
Kurdish Question in Brief
Campaign on Education in Kurdish
On 20 June the political police in Denizli detained Mesut Kiran (14) on allegation that he had put up posters at Ahmet Sami Uslu Primary School demanding education in Kurdish, but also saying "we are no terrorists" and "long live the brotherhood of peoples". He was later released, but the prosecutor has not closed the investigation. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Torture in Diyarbakir
The construction worker Mehmet Aslan complained to the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) about torture telling the following story: "When I asked a person, who entered a building under construction, what he was seeking, he ran away. Shortly afterwards three police officers, two of them in uniform, came and asked whether I had talked to a young person. When I said ëyesí they tore me into the car and started to beat me immediately. Later they took me to Baglar Police Station. Here five police officers beat me. Around 2.30am they took me to the Diyarbakir-Mardin road and threw me out of the car." Mehmet Aslan stated that he went to the State Hospital, where broken ribs and a broken arm were certified. He alleged that the police officers confiscated the x-ray photos. Yet, he filed an official complaint. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 5, 2002)
Verdicts at a HADEP Trial
On 4 July Ankara SSC No. 1 delivered its verdict on 39 defendants, charged in connection with events during the 2nd Ordinary Congress of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) in Ankara in 1996, when the Turkish flag was torn down. The court followed the arguments of the prosecution and the defense to evaluate the offence as support for an illegal organization (Article 169 TPC) and suspended the case according to the Law 4616 on Conditional Release and Suspension of Sentences. This was a retrial, after the Court of Cassation quashed the first verdict on the grounds that defendants in the same situation received different sentences. On 18 June 1998 the Court of Cassation had confirmed the acquittal of Sirri Sakik and Abdurrahim Bilen and the sentence of 22.5 yearsí imprisonment for Faysal Akcan, who tore down the flag. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 5, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Van
On 3 July Aydin Yalvaç, Behçet Aslan and Sahabettin Gezici, who had been detained in Van on 28 June, were taken to Van SSC. The court ordered to arrest them on charges of supporting the PKK. On 4 July Ibrahim Öztürk, working for the journal "Özgür Halk" in Agri, was detained. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 5, 2002)
Torturing HADEP members in Bursa
Halit Tosun (16) and Ferdi Denizhan (20), who allegedly had been kidnapped by HADEP members to join the armed wing of the KADEK, talked to "Yedinci Gündem". Ferdi Denizhan stated that he had been detained in Orabaglar on 25 June and the plain-clothes detectives had told him that he should make a statement. He had been interrogated at Bursa Police HQ. "I told them that I left home after a discussion with my father. They said that I was lying and beat me on my knee. Halit was brought in and looked very tired. They made him talk with me behind a door. Now they wanted me to confess, otherwise I would be crucified. Later they took me to a cell in the cellar and in the evening Halit and I were taken for another interrogation. I was asked to name people from HADEP involved in the case. When I did not accept to confess like Halit I was beaten heavily and banged against the wall. Threatening that they knew how to make me talk they took me downstairs again, but towards the morning I was interrogated again and under pressure force to sign a statement without being able to read it. After 9 hours in the cell I was asked to talk in front of a camera, which I refused. When they took us to court I was told to blame HADEP, otherwise I would be sentenced to 12 yearsí imprisonment, but I told the prosecutor that I had to sign the testimony without reading it." Halit Tosun stated that he surrendered to Yavuz Selim Police Station and subsequently was held at Bursa Police HQ. for three days without sleep. He had been beaten heavily and put under severe psychological pressure, but at no point had he accused HADEP of being involved. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 6, 2002)
Mass Grave Found in Sason
Villagers found a mass grave near Nawala Çarge (Besevler) hamlet
of Tanze (Heybeli) village in Sason district (Batman). Allegedly the 8
corpses belong to a group of 17 PKK militants, who reportedly were killed
by chemical weapons thrown from helicopters in March 1999. The villagers
went to the Batman branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD). Members
of the branch took photographs of the grave and corpses and applied to
the public prosecutor in Batman on 27 June. He said that he would send
the file to the public prosecutor in Sason. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV,
July 5, 2002)
(07/033) Medical Neglect
Problem with Kurdish names
On 12 June the public prosecutor in Kurtalan district (Siirt) opened a case at Siirt Judiciary Court with the demand that the families of Nizam Dilek, Ercan Aydinli, Sabeddin Delen, Mehmet Zakir Baba, Ilhami Sak, Feyzullah Bitkay, Mehmet Salim Atakan, Muhsin Kavak, Adli Baysal, Selman Deniz, Ali Haydar Kayra, Behçet Baysal, Besir Petek, Ibrahim Kayra, Yusuf Tilki, Kamuran Karaman, Ismet Akkurt, Sait Kul and Lazgin Sak are ordered to change the names of children born between 10 July 1997 and 19 March 2002. He objected to the names Dilan (dance-halay), Sefkan, Helin (nest), Nupelda (newly blossoming), Gülsilan (rose hip), Pelsin (green leave), Emine Helen, Bersan (giving fame), Sutail Can, Nujiyan (new life), Berzan (knowledgable), Berfin (snow plough), Zilan (name of a river on southeastern Anatolia), Baran (rain), Sipan (name of mountain), Zisar and Dilges (happy). In Balçova (Izmir) the bookseller Gürsel Karabil wanted to register a son born on 14 February under the name of "Roger" (passing day). About two months ago the director of the registry office had refused to do so. On 4 July officer of the department to fight terrorism came to the bookshop of Gürsel Karabil, detained and interrogated him for six hours on allegations that he was supporting the politization program of the PKK. Afterwards he was taken to the office of the prosecutor at Izmir SSC and released. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 5-6, 2002)
Broadcast in Kurdish
The 10th Chamber of the Supreme Administrative Court quashed a decision by the High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK) that had issued a warning against "Can TV" for broadcasting in Kurdish. In a program of Can TV, broadcasting in Diyarbakir, interview with prisonersí relatives had been presented and the Kurdish parts had been translated into Turkish. Can TV appealed to the administrative court, but Administrative Court No. 10 did not correct the decision. Therefore, Can TV appealed to the Supreme Administrative Court. The 10th Chamber ruled that short speeches in a language other than Turkish and its translation into Turkish did not constitute a violation of paragraph (t) of Article 4 in the Law 3984 on the High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK). (Yeni Safak-TIHV, July 7, 2002)
Villager Arrested, Pressure to become Village Guard
Tayyar Tas, one of the inhabitants of Ördekli (Kotranis) village in Hakkari province, who returned to their village in May after it had been evacuated in 1994, was arrested on 8 July. The arrest is reportedly based on his criticism that the authorities did not supply help apart from 50 tents saying that the authorities made them suffer and should supply more aid. Further reports from the same region (Berwari) state that villagers, who want to return to their villages that were evacuated in 1994 and 1995 are put under pressure to name 10 volunteers as village guards, or they would not be allowed to return. The villages in question were named as Kaymakli (Simonins), Çatikuru (Sevin), Doganca hamlet (Qrite), Sütlüce (Afkanis), Koçlu (Babanis), Yukariköy (Guncork) and Elké. In Çatikuru (Sevin) village Fazil Sahin, Mecit Sahin, Mehmet Erdogan, Sabri Sahin, Ilhan Sahin, Samet Sahin, Iskan Tas and Seyhmus Tas reportedly accepted to be volunteer as village guards without payment. (TIHV, July 9, 2002)
Case to Close HADEP
The Constitutional Court rejected the demand by Murat Bozlak, chairman of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) to turn down the case of closure because Article 5 of the Law on Political Parties was in contravention to the Constitution. The Court ruled that the Article had no effect on the ongoing case. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Campaign on Education in Kurdish
On 9 July Malatya SSC No. 2 continued to hear the case of Hüseyin Aygün, chairman of Tunceli Bar Association and Murat Polat, chairman of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen in Tunceli for comments they made during a congress of Egitim-Sen on education in Kurdish. The prosecutor demanded a conviction according to Article 169 TPC for supporting an illegal organization. The court adjourned the hearing to 6 August since the General Directorate for Security had not provided information on decisions taken on the 7th Congress of the PKK. (TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Pressures on HADEP in Elbistan
Bülent Acar, board member of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) in Elbistan district (Diyarbakir) stated that 50 members had been detained during last week. Six of them including Oruç Ay, Besime Ay, Mehmet Çagal, Ertugrul Yildiz and Ali Kara had been arrested on charges of "possessing illegal publications" and "working for the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK)". They shall be tried at Malatya SSC together with Bayram Bozkurt, chairman of HADEP for the district, Hüseyin Yildiz, secretary for the district, Bülent Acar, treasurer for the district and Ismail Sahindal, board member of the district. The hearing will start on 17 July. In Ercis district (Van) Kemal Dogruel, chairman of HADEP for the district was detained on 9 July. He was released in the evening. On 9 July Dogubeyazit Penal Court issued arrest warrants in absentia against 51 people, who between 22 and 24 June had participated in the Culture and Art Festival of Dogubeyazit. In Agri the HADEP members Abdulmenaf Zengin and Eylem Çaglan were detained on 9 July. Eylem Çaglan was released on bail of TL 400 million in the evening. Ayhan Rizaoglu, from HADEP in Agri, who had been detained during last week, was arrested on 9 July on charges under Article 169 TPC. (TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Attack on Commemoration Meeting in Diyarbakir
On 10 July the police in Diyarbakir attacked a group of people, who had come to Mardinkapi Cemetery in commemoration of the killing of Vedat Aydin 11 years ago. At the time he was chairing the Peopleís Labor Party (HEP) in Diyarbakir. 12 people named Selami Demizhan, Sehnaz Turan, Gani Alkan, Umut Tekin, Veysi Akbas, Nazim Çaglak, Nuran Ekti, Mehmet Yesilbas, Serif Seven, Mehmet Deviren, Aynur Yapsun and Medeni Kaya were injured. The police detained about 40 people including Osman Baydemir (chair of the IHD branch in Diyarbakir), Arif Akkaya (chair of the trade union Tek Gida Is), Abdullah Akengin (chair of TAYDER), Mefahir Altindag (deputy chair of HADEP), Elif Tokay (chair of the womenís wing of HADEP), Serif Camci, Sakir Dogri, Mehmet Akin, Tezcan Us, Mehmet Ergük, Gülay Tekin, Necla Korkmaz, Hüseyin Bayrak, Veysel Dalli, Zeki Dogrul, Zübeyde Zümrüt, Pirozhan Dogrul, Erkan Erenci, Mehmet Akcan, Hasan Eroglu, Abdullah Aydin, Metin Baran, _brahim Dogan, Sehmus Özcan, Reyhan Yalçindag, Hanefi I_ik, Halit Yasa, Siracettin Irmak, Murat Avci, Saide Demirkiran, Musa Tekin, Siddik Seker, Halim Yamaç, Necdet Atalay, Fethullah Batur and two men with the first name Ramazan and Ömer. All but Metin Baran were released the same day. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 11, 2002)
Detentions in Dogubeyazit
On 11 July Yusuf Sögüt, chairman of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) for Dogubeyazit district (Van) held a press conference. He alleged that many members of the party had been detained on allegations of shouting slogans during the Culture and Art Festival of Dogubeyazit that had been held between 22 and 24 June. Ruken Aksoy and Diyar Alagöz were released on bail of TL 1.4 billion on 11 July. (TIHV, July 12, 2002)
Attacks and Clashes in the Southeast
Village guards from Hilal town participated in a military operation in the Elcan district near the Iraqi border in Uludere district (Sirnak). Reportedly they were shot at from a long distance. Mahmut Benek (26) died and Salih Bilen was wounded. (Zaman-TIHV, July 14, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Kurdish provinces
On 12 July the governor for the region under a state of emergency (OHAL) announced that 7 members of the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK) had been captured during operations in the provinces of Hakkari, Mus and Van. In Hakkari two members had surrendered to the security forces and in Mus and Van 5 members had been captured "alive". On 13 July the police announced the detention of 10 people said to be members of an organization called the Bolshevik Party/North Kurdistan-Turkey (Bolsevik Parti/Kuzey Kürdistan-Türkiye BP/KK-T). Reportedly this organization split from the Turkish Communist Party/ML-Workersí and Peasants Liberation Army of Turkey (TKP/ML TIKKO) and is operating from Berlin/Germany. The detainees were named as Mehmet Deste, Maksut Karadag, Serafettin Parmak, Ömer Güner, Hüseyin Habip Taskin, Hatice Karadag, Mehmet Bakir, Fatma Tufaner, Metin Özgüney and Ergün Yildirim. (Yedinci Gündem-Evrensel-TIHV, July 12-14, 2002)
Killing by Village Guards
Further light has came into the event in Nureddin village, Malazgirt district (Mus), where Yusuf Ünal (75), his son Abdurrahim Ünal (42) and his brother Abdulsamet Ünal (48) had been killed by village guards. Having left the village in 1993 they settled in Patnos (Agri). The three villagers applied to Malazgirt Governor and Gendarmerie Station and went to their village on 1 July taking 12 workers with them. They had talked to the chief village guard Ahmet Çelik before they tried to sell their grass on 9 July. Eye witness Dilaver Demir said: "That morning a lorry came and the village guards come with a group of 20-25 people telling Yusuf Ünal that he could not sell the grass that had to stay there. First Yusuf Ünal was punched into his face and the village guards walked on us with their arms in their hand. We were a group of about 15 people. The village guards beat us with their rifles butts and kicked at us. We heard a shot and ran away to Konakkuran (Dügnük) Gendarmerie Station. We heard more shots and in the end Yusuf, his son and his brother were killed." Later village guards were confronted with the eye witnesses for identification and Mehmet Polat, Yilmaz Polat, Cemil Polat, Kemal Erkoçak, Kemal Koçak, Nizamettin Çelik, Harun Çelik, Filit Koçak and 6 further (unnamed) village guards were arrested. Chief village guard Ahmet Çelik, Zülküf Polat, Mahmut Polat and the village headman Celal Çelik were released after it was established that they had not been at the place of the crime. Reportedly this incident is not the first one of the village guards from Nureddin village belonging to the Bruki tribe. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests of Kurdish activists
On 15 July Kiyasettin Yildirim (49) was apprehended, when he entered Turkey via Kapikule Border Station. Being wanted by Erzurum Police HQ. the suspect allegedly confessed to have conducted activities for the PKK/KADEK in France, Germany, Italy and Turkey. In Adana the police raided houses and offices of members of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) on 14 July and detained Mehmet Kisa, Salih Ergül, Zübeyir Beyav, Hüseyin Kirgiz and Ali Toprak. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 16, 2002)
Villagers Killed in malazgirt
A delegation was formed to inspect the event in Nureddin village, Malazgirt
district (Mus), where Yusuf Ünal (75), his son Abdurrahim Ünal
(42) and his brother Abdulsamet Ünal (48) had been killed by village
guards. Besides Orhan Miroglu, from the parliament of the Peopleís Democracy
Party (HADEP), the journalists Ferai Tinç,
Celal Baslangiç, Oral Çalislar and Prof. Büsra Ersanli,
from Helsinki Citizenís Assembly, and Niyazi Bulgan and Mustafa Eraslan
from the Foundation for Social Law Research will join the delegation. (Yedinci
Gündem-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
HADEP Executives on Trial
The public prosecutor in Bismil opened a case against the board of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) in Bismil district (Diyarbakir) on the ground that during the 2nd congress of the party on 15 June 2002 Kurdish music was played and speeches in Kurdish were held. The case will be opened against 9 board members as well as 9 substitutes for a violation of Article 81 of the Law on Political Parties. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 17, 2002)
Mine Explosion in Yüksekova
In Ipek quarter of Yüksekova district (Hakkari) the children Diyar Aslan (9), Hediye Aslan, Siar Aslan and Sacan Aslan found ammunition of a rocket launcher on 16 July. It exploded at 6.30pm killing Diyar Aslan and Hediye Aslan. Siar Aslan and Sacan Aslan were wounded. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 18, 2002)
Killing by soldiers after stop warning
Van Bar Association prepared a report on the death of Mümtaz Özdemir, who had been killed by gendarmerie soldiers near Kizilca village in Baskale district (Van) on 24 May. The lawyers Ayhan Çabuk and Nejdet Edemen investigated the case and found out that four bullets had hit Mümtaz Özdemir. One bullet had hit the aorta in his right leg and he had died because of loss of blood. The lawyers alleged that the lorry could have been stopped earlier and, even if the driver had attempted to escape further gendarmerie station were down the way in 3, 5 and 10 kilometers distance. The report also stated that it was hard to believe that the wrong first aid was the reason for the death. The incident had happened between 1 and 1.30am, but the driver had only been taken to Baskale Hospital around 5am over a distance of 25 kilometers. It was noted that the governor of Baskale had not granted permission to officially investigate against the soldiers, but the public prosecutor had objected against this decision, with no result so far. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Villagers Killed in Malazgirt
The delegation inspecting the event in Nureddin village, Malazgirt district (Mus), where on 9 July Yusuf Ünal (75), his son Abdurrahim Ünal (42) and his brother Abdulsamet Ünal (48) had been killed by village guards, talked to Mus Governor Cengiz Akin. He stated that there was no political background to the case, but there had been a dispute between the families in 1994. The delegation had further talks to the local branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP), but was not allowed to inspect the place of the killings. Meanwhile prisoners in Mus Prison, charged with membership of the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK), staged a one-day hunger strike in protest at the incident. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
HADEP Official Threatened in Diyarbakir
Abdulgani Alkan, deputy chairman of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) in Diyarbakir province, filed an official complaint against the police officer Bülent Yavasoglu stating that he had threatened and insulted him at the entrance to the court, where he and others had been taken on 10 July after the commemoration of Vedat Aydin who had been killed in 1991. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Trial on Kurdish names
On 18 July Ardahan Penal Court acquitted Kadriye Aksu, Director of the Registration Office for the central district and the civil servant Sengül Gök from charges of "misconduct of duty" under Article 240 TPC. They had allowed Tufan Akcan from Bagdesen village to call his daughter ''Berivan'' and Koçalak Koç from Bayramoglu village to give his children the names of ''Rojhat'' and ''Rujin''. The file had also been sent to Erzurum SSC with the demand to try the fathers according to Article 169 TPC, but the Court had decided against prosecution. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Varto
On 17 July the police in Varto district (Mus) detained six people from a family with the surname Han, who had come from Inak village. On 18 July Haci Ahmet Han (90) was detained in the village, while Gözel Han and her 5 year-old daughter were released. Davut Han, Mahmut Han, Serafettin Han and Imdat Han are still held in detention. It was alleged that Davut Han is an injured PKK militant, whom the family wanted to take to a doctor. Villagers also reported that during the raid of Inak village on 18 July the student Mahmut Han (17) was in bad health, because of torture. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Torture in Diyarbakir
Seyhmus Acun alleged that he was tortured after his detention in Diyarbakir on 16 July. He said that during the 6 hours in detention he was hosed with water under high pressure, beaten and that his testicles were squeezed. In the end he was forced to sign about 15 papers not being allowed to read them. He filed an official complaint on 19 July. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 20, 2002)
Penalty for Kurdish Music
Diyarbakir SSC sentenced Abdullah Yagan to 45 monthsí imprisonment according to Article 169 TPC for making the passengers in his minibus listen to Kurdish music. He had been detained in Karliova district (Bingöl) in August 2001. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 20, 2002)
Investigation against the letter "W"
On 18 July Mesut Selçuk, editor-in-chief of the bulletin of the Chamber of Machine Engineers (MMO) in Diyarbakir, testified to the public prosecutor in Diyarbakir, because the word Newroz had been written with the letter "w" (not existing in the Turkish language). (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 20, 2002)
Meeting Banned in Adana
The governor in Adana banned a meeting organized by the womenís wing of the Peopleís Democracy Party (HADEP) for Adana province. The meeting under the heading of "Woman and Democracy" was to be held on 21 July. Since the information about the ban based on the Law on Demonstrations and Meetings reached the organization very late, some demonstrators tried to gather in Ugur Mumcu Square, but were hindered by the police. Fatih Sanli, chairman of HADEP for Adana province and Leyla Güven, chairwoman of the womenís wing were only able to read out a press statement. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 21, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Adana
In 20 July Adana SSC arrested Ahmet Imret, Halit Yilmaz and Ahmet Toprak, who had been detained in Adana as alleged members of the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK). 5 people were released to be tried without remand. Nedim Tas, chairman of the Association for Support and Solidarity with Prisonersí Relatives (THYD-DER), based in Ankara, the treasurer Mediha Yerlikaya, staff members Cemal Agcakaya, Yüksel Turan, and two persons with the first names of Bülent and Taner were detained. In Batman Tahir Kizmaz and M. Azat Duman were detained as alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah during raids of their houses on 20 July. (Cumhuriyet-Evrensel-TIHV, July 21-22, 2002)
Mine Explosion in Hakkari
On 18 July the shepherds Nusret Tuncer, Salih Gültekin, Fahri Kaya and Ismail Inci were wounded, when a mine exploded near Derinkaya town in Hakkari province. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 19, 2002)
Three Kurdish militants killed in Batman
The governor for the region under a state of emergency announced that three militants of the PKK (KADEK) had been killed during an operation in Batman and one had been wounded. The official version said that the security forces shot at at vehicle on the road between Batman and Mardin, who reportedly shot back. The daily ìHürriyetî reported on 4 casualties, while eye witnesse stated that the petrol lorry with the plate number of 74 DC 460 was stopped and attacked by rockets. Yedinci Gündem gave the name of the injured person, who was taken to Batman State Hospital as Abdullah Çetinkaya. (Hürriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 24, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Ankara
The police in Ankara announced the detention of Tamer A, Yüksel T, Cemal A, Bülent Ö, Mediha Y. and Nedim T. as alleged members of the KADEK. In Diyarbakir 14 of the 17 people, who had been detained on 21 July during the welcome-meeing for Murat Bozlak, chairman of HADEP, were released on 23 July. The detention of Aysel Altundag, Güzel Kirhan and Çiçek Tanrikut was extended for another day. Presumably they will appear in court today. Bülent Öztürk, Taner Artuger and Yüksel Turan, members of the Association of Prisoners's Relatives (THYD-DER), who had been detained on 19 July, were arrested by Ankara SSC on 23 July on charges of possessing forged papers and banned books. Nedim Tas, chairman of THYD-DER and board member Mediha Yerlikaya were releleased, Cemal Agcakaya was taken to the register office for military service. Mehmet Azad and Tahir Kizmaz, who had been detained in Batman on 20 July as alleged members of Hezbollah, were arrested on 23 July. The governor of Batman stated that they are responsible for 18 violent act including killing. (Cumhuriyet-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 24, 2002)
Newroz Trial in Mersin
On 23 July Adana SSC decided to release members of the organizing committee for the Newroz celebrations this year. Mithat Fahriogullari, from the trade union Genel-Is, Ibrahim Sahin, Ramazan Basaran, Suphi Aydin, all from HADEP, Erdal Ulas, from TUHAY-DER, Zeynep Tur and a minor, whose name was not disclosed, had been remanded since 29 March this year. Mithat Fahriogullari was not allowed to hold a press conference on 24 July. He went to the offices of the teachersí union Egitim-Sen and told the press that they had not been interrogated after detention. They had been beaten and threatened, but arrested without even providing their name. He stated that he and the others would file an official complaint against the governor of Mersin, who had called them terrorists. Meanwhile the prosecutor at Adana SSC has indicted 149 people, who participated in the Newroz celebrations in Mersin. They will be charged with supporting an illegal organization. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Campaign for Education in Kurdish
On 24 July Istanbul SSC No. 4 continued to hear the case of 22 parents, who had presented petition for education in Kurdish to the governors and directors for national education in Ümraniye and Avcilar (Istanbul). The defendants Hüsna Tosun, Hayriye Ekinci, Huri Dogan, Hatice Gazioglu, Hatice Sen, Yüksel Dogan, Saniye Ekinci, Fehime Dogan and Meyse Akdag pleaded not guilty in terms of having supported an illegal organization. The hearing was adjourned to a later date to listen to the testimony of those defendants, who had not appeared in court. On 24 July Ankara SSC continued to hear the case of 12 students, who had signed petitions for education in Kurdish. The prosecutor summed up the case and asked for acquittal, since the offence of being members of an illegal organization had not materialized. The hearing was adjourned to 5 September. (Evrensel-Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Dogubeyazit
In Dogubeyazit district (Agri) Mehmet Nakas was detained, after a large number of Kurdish music cassettes were discovered in his luggage. Reportedly he had brought from Diyarbakir and wanted to sell them. The polic econfiscated about 1,500 cassettes. In Ipsala district (Edirne) Sedat Özkan was detained on charges of being a member of KADEK. (TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Penalty for Kurdish Music Overruled
Ankara Administrative Court No. 5 overruled the decision by the High Council for Radio and TV (RTÜK) that had issued a warnibg against the radio station ìDünyaî in Adana for having boradcasted Kurdish music on 13 September 2001. (TIHV, July 25, 2002)
Campaign on Education in Kurdish
Adana Administrative Court No. 2 rejected the objection of the Mustafa Kemal University in Hatay against the decision to stop the dismissal of students, who had signed petitions for an education in Kurdish. The rector of the university had banned 251 students for one month, 57 for one term, 3 students for one year and 9 students dismissed completely. Adana Administrative Court No. 1 had lifted the decision for all but Çetin Oral on the grounds that one professor was a member of the investigation commission as well as of the disciplinary commission. Yet, the students reportedly are not allowed entry to the university. (Evrensel-TIHV, July 26, 2002)
Incident in Batman
After the killing of three people on the road between Batman and Mardin near Suçeken village on 22 July the driver of the lorry Muhyettin Polat and an unnamed person were arrested on 27 July. Reportedly they were arrested on charges of membership of an illegal organization and not allowed to see their lawyers. Lawyer Meral Danis was able to talk to Abdullah Çetinkaya, who had been injured during the incident and taken to the Dicle University Hospital. He told her that he had entered the lorry during its journey and was no member of KADEK. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 28, 2002)
Torture in Istanbul
Mahmut Çakan alleged, that he had been tortured after detention during the raid of the HADEP offices in Büyükçekmece district (Istanbul). During a press conference at the offices of the Istanbul branch of the HRA he said that he had been beaten, when he asked for a search warrant. ìThe others were beaten too, but when I repeated my question all of them jumped on me and beat me until we entered the police bus. I was taken to the police station in Kiraç. They beat me for hours and put me under psychological pressure. At Esenyurt Police Station the beating continued. One commander showed me to the police officers saying ëI leave this HADEP member at your handsí. More than 10 soldiers beat him. After 2 days I was taken to the public prosecutor in Esenyurt. From here I was sent to the prosecutor's office in Bakirköy. The hospital in Büyükçekmece first certified traces of torture, but sent me to Bakirköy Hospital. They said that they did not act in this case and sent me back. In the end I was released.î (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 28, 2002)
Attack by Village Guards
About two months ago the Elhan family, who had left Suluca village in Mus province some four years ago and gone to Izmir, came back to mow the grass. On 28 July the village guards Tajdin, Sadettin, Giyasettin Aktas and Sevket, Ali and Sehmus Solgun came together with the village headman Kamil Aktas. Reportedly the village guard Tekin Aktas was also wounded and Masallah Elhan was detained by gendarmerie soldiers. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 30, 2002)
Torture in Dogubeyazit
Halil Ertas, member of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP) living in Dalbahçe village, Dogubeyazit district (Agri), alleged that he was called by the commander of Suluçem Gendarmerie Station on each day over one week and beaten every time he went there. On 29 July Halil Ertas filed an official complaint stating that he was beaten with no reason, while the commander with the first name of Halil said ìit is a crime that you are aliveî. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
Case Against Diyarbakir IHD
On 30 July Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 1 heard another case against the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD). In this case the board members are charged with not having informed the authorities of a change of their address and might expect a fine of TL 172 million. Defense lawyer Reyhan Yalçindag stated that the change of the address had been published in the local paper ìÖz Diyarbakirî. The documents had twice been forwarded during the investigation. The hearing was adjourned to 10 September for a completion of the files. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
3rd Munzur Festival
In Tunceli the police confiscated a large number of publication including the books ìDersimî, ìAlevites in Dersimì and ìPartizanî. The books were found on various stands opened in connection with the 3rd Munzur Festival. (Yedinci Gündem-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
State of Emergency
On 30 July the State of Emergency ended in Tunceli and Hakkari provinces.
In 1979 martial law had been announced in these provinces and in 1987 been
replaced by the state of emergency. (Radikal-TIHV, July 31, 2002)
MINORITES / MINORITIES
Confiscation of "The Culture of Pontus"
The Chairman of the Freedom to Publish Committee of the International Publishers Association (IPA) , Lars Grahn Pere Vicens, and the IPA Secretary General, Benoît Müller, have recently addressed the following letter to the President of the Turkish Republic:
"The International Publishers Association (IPA) is a Non Governmental Organisation representing the publishing industry world-wide through 78 national, regional and specialised publishers associations in 65 countries. One of its objectives is to defend the right to publish and distribute the works of the mind in complete freedom.
"IPA regrets to feel compelled to express its deep concerns as we learn that writer Omer Asan is to appear in the Istanbul State Security Court on 10 July 2002 for the publication of his book "The Culture of Pontus" by Belge Publishing House. We cannot see any legal reason for justifying the accusation of separatism against Mr. Asan, nor the confiscation of the book, as "The Culture of Pontus" is a purely cultural research on the grammar and vocabulary of an ancient language.
"May we respectfully stress that the charges against Omer Asan are in contradiction with the right to freedom of opinion and expression, a right which is guaranteed under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to both of which Turkey is a signatory, as well as Article 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, which Turkey has ratified.
"The International Publishers Association therefore calls for the immediate and unconditional relief of Omer Asan from any charges, the discontinuation of further legal processes against him and the lift of the ban on the book.
"IPA would appreciate to be kept informed of the outcome of the case and further urges the Turkish authorities to review again its legislation that allows for the detention of writers and publishers in violation of their right to freedom of expression with a view to removing all possibilities of further judicial hearings and sentences."
Funeral of Turkey's chief rabbi
Hundreds of mourners, including Turkish business and political leaders, gathered in Istanbul's main synagogue Wednesday for the funeral of Turkey's chief rabbi.
David Asseo, the religious leader of Turkey's 25,000-member Jewish community for the past 41 years, died Sunday at the age of 88.
Hundreds of people packed into Istanbul's Neve Shalom synagogue where Asseo was ordained as chief rabbi in 1961 for the funeral.
Among the mourners were Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, the spiritual leader of the world's Orthodox Christians, the mayor of Istanbul, Culture Minister Suat Caglayan and military and business leaders, CNN-Turk television said.
Asseo was a key leader of the Jewish community who met with Turkish presidents, prime ministers and other leaders over the decades and repeatedly called for understanding and tolerance among religions in this overwhelmingly Muslim nation.
After the service, which was also attended by businessmen and hundreds of members of the Jewish community, Asseo was buried at the Ulus Jewish Cemetery in Istanbul. (AP, July 17, 2002)
SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC
La Banque Mondiale accorde un prêt de 300 M USD à la Turquie
La Banque Mondiale a annoncé mardi l'octroi à la Turquie d'un prêt de 300 millions de dollars destiné à financer un projet d'amélioration du système éducatif.
Le prêt servira à financer un projet prévoyant notamment la construction de nouvelles écoles, la modernisation de centres scolaires, l'informatisation d'un plus grand nombre d'écoles et une meilleure formation du personnel enseignant, a indiqué la Banque Mondiale dans un communiqué.
La Banque Mondiale avait déjà accordé en juin 1998 à la Turquie un prêt de 300 millions de dollars pour soutenir un programme d'amélioration du système éducatif. (AFP, 16 juillet 2002)
Le FMI inquiet des tensions politiques
Un responsable du Fonds Monétaire International (FMI) a estimé lundi que la Turquie faisait des progrès dans le cadre de son programme de redressement économique, mais a indiqué que les tensions politiques devaient cesser pour permettre aux taux d'intérêt de diminuer.
S'exprimant au terme d'une mission inspection de deux semaines, le responsable de la Turquie au FMI Juha Kahkonen a expliqué que la crise gouvernementale qui devrait déboucher sur des élections anticipées en novembre avait fragilisé les marchés financiers.
"Néanmoins, les résultats économiques --croissance et baisse de l'inflation-- sont bons. Nous croyons que les objectifs macro-économiques du programme devraient rester dans les normes pour 2002", a déclaré M. Kahkonen à la presse.
Il a notamment estimé que l'objectif d'une inflation à 35% et d'une croissance à 3% pour cette année 2002 étaient "très réalistes".
Mais l'inspecteur a mis en garde contre des taux d'intérêt élevés, qui ont bondi de quelque 20% alors qu'ils étaient autour de 50% en mai, quand le pays a été pris de doute à la suite de la maladie du Premier ministre et du blocage des réformes en vue de l'intégration européenne.
La grimpée des taux d'intérêt a porté un nouveau coup à la capacité d'emprunt du Trésor, suscitant des doutes sur un accroissement de la dette interne du pays.
"Il est important pour le gouvernement de mener à bien les mesures auxquelles il s'est engagé... Trouver une solution à l'instabilité politique aidera à faire descendre les taux d'intérêt", a dit Juha Kahkonen.
L'approbation par le comité directeur du FMI des conclusions de cette inspection, au cours d'une réunion prévue pour début août, doit permettre le déblocage d'une nouvelle tranche de crédit de 1,1 milliard de dollars sur un programme de 16 milliards. (AFP, 22 juillet 2002)
Inondations: 34 morts, 5 personnes toujours portées disparues
Cinq personnes étaient toujours portées disparues dimanche dans le nord-est de la Turquie où trente-quatre personnes ont péri dans des inondations, selon le gouverneur de la province de Rize, la plus touchée de la région.
Dans la province de Rize, où les inondations ont fait 27 morts, cinq personnes sont toujours recherchées dans le lit des rivières et le long des côtes maritimes des cantons de Guneysu et Cayeli, a déclaré le gouverneur Bulent Karacol à l'agence Anatolie.
L'armée a largué des vivres aux habitants de plusieurs villages isolés, mais il ne reste plus de zone habitée coupée du monde et privée d'électricité ou de téléphone, a indiqué M. Karacol.
Plusieurs institutions étatiques sont intervenues pour aider financièrement la région dévastée, où les dommages sont "plus importants que prévus", selon le gouverneur, mais toujours difficiles à chiffrer.
Plusieurs milliers de personnes ont été provisoirement logées dans des écoles et des internats, et le Croissant rouge turc a fourni quelque 300 tentes aux villageois de la région.
Un milliard de Livres turques sera attribué aux sinistrés privés d'habitation pour leur permettre de louer un nouveau logement durant un an, a encore indiqué Bulent Karacol. (AFP, 28 juillet 2002)
Incendie d'Izmit: 2 blessés, la prolifération industrielle en cause
Un incendie dimanche matin dans un entrepôt de gaz de la ville turque d'Izmit (est d'Istanbul), qui s'est propagé aux habitations voisines avant d'être éteint par les avions de l'armée, a fait au moins deux blessés par intoxication, relançant la polémique sur la prolifération industrielle.
L'agence de presse Anatolie avait d'abord fait état de quatre disparus, mais le directeur régional de la Sécurité civile Ramazan Yilmaz, interrogé par la chaîne d'informations continues CNN-Turk, n'a pu ni confirmer ni infirmer la nouvelle.
"Il n'y a pas de mort", s'est-il contenté d'indiquer.
Le gardien de l'installation, grièvement brûlé, est toujours soigné à l'hôpital militaire Gata d'Istanbul, alors qu'un chauffeur de camion-citerne, moins touché, a pu quitter un hôpital local après avoir été traité pour une intoxication.
Des hélicoptères et avions pompiers de l'armée sont intervenus pour maîtriser la propagation des flammes, alors que les secours avaient du mal à rejoindre le sinistre par voie terrestre.
"Le feu est éteint", a annoncé peu avant la mi-journée l'administration du gouverneur d'Izmit citée par l'agence Anatolie.
Déclaré autour de 7h30 locales (4h30 GMT), l'incendie a pour origine une explosion inexpliquée et s'est rapidement propagé, 8 des neuf réservoirs de la société Akcagaz ayant brûlé ou explosé.
Les flammes ont rapidement atteint les habitations voisines dont une dizaine ont été ravagées, nécessitant l'évacuation de quelque 5.000 personnes, selon les autorités locales.
Plusieurs sites industriels proches ont été brièvement et légèrement touchés par les flammes, sans dommage important ni risque d'atteindre leurs réserves d'hydrocarbures, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.
La télévision a diffusé les images des explosions successives des réservoirs de gaz, fusant en torchères à plusieurs centaines de mètres de haut.
Les habitants du quartier "Barbaros", dans la commune de Korfez, proche du sinistre, ont réagi avec fureur une fois la panique dissipée, scandant dans les rues "Nous ne voulons pas mourir brûlés vifs!".
La concentration d'installations pétrolières et gazières dans cette zone fortement urbanisée avait été fortement dénoncée, quelque 40% des hydrocarbures du pays étant en permanence stockés sur ce site, coeur de la province la plus industrielle de Turquie.
Un rapport d'experts en août 2001 avait à nouveau tenté d'alerter les autorités sur les risques que représentait la multiplication de ces sociétés pétrochimiques à proximité d'un important centre urbain, révélait la chaîne d'information continues NTV.
"La cause de ce genre d'incendies dans les centres de remplissage, c'est le manque de précaution", a commenté le président de la Fondation turque pour la prévention des incendies Abdurrahman Kilic, cité par Anatolie.
"Les habitations alentour doivent être à un minimum de 500 mètres des installations et les réservoirs doivent être distants entre eux d'au moins 125 mètres", a-t-il rappelé.
"Nous en avions averti la raffinerie Tupras (effleurée par les flammes dimanche matin) à la suite du tremblement de terre il y a 3 ans, mais il est vrai qu'il est difficile de démolir les maisons ou de déplacer les implantations industrielles", a regretté M. Kilic.
La ville d'Izmit (1 million d'habitants), à une centaine de kilomètres à l'est de la grande métropole stanbuliote, avait connu un gigantesque incendie dans les mêmes installations d'hydrocarbure lors du tremblement de terre du 17 août 1999, centré sur cette ville industrielle et qui avait fait plus de 20.000 morts.
Les feux, qui avaient duré plusieurs jours, avaient été éteints notamment grâce à l'intervention rapide d'avions militaires grecs, une première entre deux pays qui se vouaient jusque là une profonde inimitié. (AFP, 28 juillet 2002)
AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS
Turkey: Battle of the headscarf
On the streets of Istanbul, Muslim girls march in defiance of the Turkish state. They are demanding the right to wear a headscarf when they go to school. In most countries, the issue would be uncontentious, but not here.
In Turkey the official orthodoxy of the state is Kemalism - the secular nationalism introduced by Turkey's founding father, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, when he created the modern state in the 1920s.
But, although the state is secular, the people are overwhelmingly Muslim. So the headscarf has become a highly charged symbol of the collision between Kemalism and Islam.
Seventeen-year-old Zeliha was turned away by riot police when she tried to go to school in her headscarf. So why does she not simply obey the state and leave the headscarf at home? "I don't feel I have to comply with what the state says. This is my faith - and I want to live by my faith," Zeliha said.
So how should we understand the headscarf affair? What does it tell us about modern Turkey? In many ways, Turkey is a vibrantly modern and secular country where Ataturk's legacy appears, on one level, to be alive and well. The guardians of that legacy - the high priests of Kemalism - are the Turkish generals.
Sabri Yirmibesoglu, himself a retired general, defends the view that it is wrong for women to wear headscarves in government schools or in government departments. "In Turkey it is not forbidden to cover your hair or your body. But the Turkish public gets upset when this is done in the public sphere - and in public education - and when the headscarf is used as a political symbol."
Secularism, though, is not confined to the Turkish military. Mehmet Ali Birand is one of Turkey's best-known liberal commentators. So doesn't he believe that girls like Zeliha have a point when they claim the democratic right to wear a headscarf? "Well, she had a point before 11 September. But I don't think that she has as strong a point as before. There is a fight between moderate Islam and radical Islam. "The fight is not between the United States, and it is not between the Christian world or the Western world and Islamic countries. No, this war is within us," Mehmet Ali Birand said.
To understand why the headscarf issue exercises such passions, it is necessary to look back at the beginnings of modernity in Turkey. These origins precede Ataturk and his secular nationalism and go back, in fact, to the period of the Tanzimat - the reforms introduced by the Turkish sultans in the middle of the 19th century. These sultans realised that Europe had outstripped the Muslim world in military power and scientific achievement. In response, they began to overhaul the ramshackle bureaucracy of the Ottoman Empire and modernise the education system. The reforms also achieved something lasting which would change the face of Turkey once and for all and create profound social and political divisions.
But, even if Ataturk owed a debt - an unacknowledged debt - to the reforming sultans, there is no doubt that the reforms introduced in the 1920s and 1930s were far more radical than anything that had gone before. He changed the way Turks dress, the language they spoke, he gave women the vote and, above all, he pushed religion to the sidelines, most notably in the field of education. But then came the Islamic revival in Turkey, which found its political expression in the 1970s and 1980s with the emergence of the Refah - or Welfare - party. It began as an urban working class movement and then grew to affect a group of people the Kemalists had always seen as theirs - the middle class.
The Refah party - and its leader Necmettin Erbakan - built up support because Turks were fed up with the mainstream parties of left and right, which they saw as corrupt and self-seeking. In 1996 Erbakan became the country's first Islamist prime minister. For the Kemalists, it was an earthquake. But Erbakan overplayed his hand and, after only a year in office, he was pushed out as a result of sustained pressure from the generals. The crackdown did not stop there. The authorities have done their utmost to cut the Islamists down to size. But their critics are not convinced by their new-found moderation.
Nur Vergin, professor of sociology at Istanbul University, thinks it is purely tactical. She believes that if the Islamist groups are left unchecked, they will poison the minds of the 8,000 boys and girls at Istanbul's Islamic schools. "What does the religious teacher teach them? I'll tell you what, because I have examples. For example, a girl of nine, born in Istanbul - her parents have the means of sending her to school, but she doesn't know how to read - she cannot read yet. "But she knows that, if you put nail polish on your nails, you'll go directly to hell. This is very serious. They want the very young children to be educated in that direction - with a tremendous amount of hatred against whatever looks like European, looks like secular. Little Taleban, you know," Nur Vergin said. That word. Taleban, is a sign of just how polarised this country has become.
Islamists and Kemalists are not just hostile to one another - each feels deeply threatened by the other. So has this polarisation reached the point of an identity crisis? Students at Istanbul University have mixed views.
"Turkey doesn't have an identity crisis. A minority group, a small group of people, are living in line with the principles of Islam. But the majority of the Turkish people are Western-oriented, and they have a Western education," one student said.
Another student said: "Yes, I do think that there is an identity problem in Turkish society, which comes from the educational system, giving us the Eastern values on the one hand, and on the other hand, the same education system is giving us the Western values. So it's mixed up."
Three quarters of a century after the founding of the modern state, Turks have grown used to Kemalism. But many - perhaps most - consider that Islam is part of who they are. For now, the Kemalist model of modernity is dominant - not because everyone accepts it - but because the elite which does has managed to impose it on those who do not.
But can that continue indefinitely?
Since Ataturk's death, his brand of secularism has come under periodic challenge. Many say there is no reason to believe it won't come under challenge again. (BBC, 22 July 2002, By Roger Hardy)
Trois policiers et un extrémiste islamiste tués dans une fusillade
Un membre du groupe islamiste extrémiste turc Hizbullah a été abattu lors d'une opération policière lancée vendredi à l'aube contre une cache à Elazig (est de la Turquie), qui a également fait trois morts parmi les policiers, ont déclaré les autorités locales.
Un policier gravement blessé lors de l'opération a succombé à ses blessures à l'hôpital, augmentant le précédent bilan de deux morts chez les policiers.
Agissant sur un renseignement, la police anti-terroriste a encerclé la maison de Huseyin Sariagac qui a répondu aux appels à se rendre par des coups de feu, a indiqué le chef de la police de la ville Atilla Germiyanlioglu, cité par l'agence Anatolie.
Il a par la suite été tué, a-t-il ajouté.
Une importante cache d'arme a été découverte dans la maison, a indiqué Anatolie.
Ce militant serait impliqué dans l'assassinat en janvier 2001 du chef de la police de Diyarbakir (sud-est), Gaffar Okkan, selon la police.
Les forces de sécurité turques ont infligé ces dernières années des revers importants à des organisations islamistes, notamment le Hizbullah, une organisation armée illégale, apparu au début des années 80 dans le sud-est de la Turquie.
Le Hizbullah turc, qui n'a pas de lien connu avec le Hezbollah libanais, est accusé de vouloir renverser le régime laïc en Turquie pour instaurer un Etat islamique.
En 2000, après que son dirigeant eut été tué lors d'une fusillade avec la police à Istanbul, les forces de sécurité avaient découvert dans des fosses communes un peu partout dans le pays les cadavres de plusieurs dizaines de victimes présumées du Hizbollah, au cours d'opérations lancées à l'échelle nationale contre l'organisation. (AFP, 5 juillet 2002)
Investigation against a foundation
The prosecutor at Istanbul SSC decided not to bring charges against the executives of the Foundation for Contemporary Education (ÇEV).
The investigation related to the allegation of having influenced witnesses in the trial of Fethullah Gülen at Ankara SSC and supporting the PKK. The file was sent to the public prosecutor in Beyoglu (Istanbul) to establish, whether offences fall under his competence. (Zaman-TIHV, July 3, 2002)
Le principal dirigeant islamiste poursuivi pour fraudes
Un procureur d'Ankara a inculpé le chef du parti islamiste de la justice et du développement (AK), Recep Tayyip Erdogan, de fraudes dans des appels d'offres et demandé une peine jusqu'à trois ans de prison, a indiqué vendredi l'agence Anatolie.
Cette inculpation, la troisième contre M. Erdogan depuis mai, concerne des appels d'offres de la municipalité d'Istanbul en 1998 quand il en était le maire.
M. Erdogan, 48 ans, est accusé de fraudes dans l'attribution de contrats pour des panneaux d'affichage alloués en dessous du prix du marché.
Le parti de M. Erdegan est en pleine ascension dans les sondages et est donné comme vainqueur si des élections législatives avaient lieu maintenant.
Le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit a récemment décrit l'AK comme une menace pour l'Etat laïc turc.
Le parlement doit se réunir lundi pour débattre d'un projet de législatives anticipées en novembre, sur fond de grave crise au sein de la coalition gouvernementale.
La date du procès de M. Erdogan n'est pas connue.
En juin, il avait déjà été accusé d'avoir "injustement acquis" une somme de 176.000 dollars (189.000 euros) depuis qu'il a quitté son poste de maire d'Istanbul en 1998.
Il était déjà dans le collimateur de la justice pour "insulte envers l'armée", "incitation à la haine religieuse" et corruption. (AFP, 26 juin 2002)
Frein à la construction des mosquées en Turquie
Le gouvernement turc a décrété des mesures de restriction à la construction de mosquées dans le but de ne plus "gaspiller de l'argent", ont indiqué les autorités gouvernementales en charge des affaires religieuses citées par la presse mardi.
"Bien entendu, on peut construire des mosquées quand c'est nécessaire. Mais il n'y a aucune raison d'en ériger tant que cela représente un gaspillage d'argent, ce n'est pas correct d'un point de vue strictement religieux", a expliqué Mehmet Nuri Yilmaz, responsable de la Direction des affaires religieuses, une institution étatique dépendant du Premier ministre, rapporte le quotidien Hurriyet.
"Par exemple, il arrive que l'on bâtisse des mosquées ayant une capacité de 10.000 fidèles dans un endroit où réside une toute petite communauté. J'ai déjà vu cela", a-t-il encore détaillé.
La Turquie, à très large majorité musulmane mais aux institutions strictement laïques, a renforcé sa surveillance des mosquées ces dernières années dans le cadre de sa lutte contre l'Islam politique fondamentaliste, soupçonné d'utiliser les lieux de culte pour diffuser ses idées et recruter des sympathisants.
Cet étroit contrôle s'est intensifié depuis 1997 quand le premier chef de gouvernement islamiste de Turquie, Necmettin Erbakan, a été poussé à la démission dans un contexte de mobilisation de l'opinion publique laïque, une campagne menée par la puissante armée turque qui se considère comme la gardienne du dogme séculariste depuis Kemal Ataturk.
Selon les nouvelles règles définies par la Direction des Affaires Religieuses, une nouvelle mosquée ne peut être construite à moins de 700 mètres d'une mosquée déjà existante dans une zone résidentielle, et à moins de 400 mètres pour les centres commerciaux, villages et petites agglomérations, détaille Hurriyet.
Dans les grandes villes, ces distances sont repoussées respectivement à 800 et 500 mètres, précise le journal.
Au moment d'évaluer la pertinence d'une demande de permis de construire, les autorités vont également comparer la taille de la mosquée et l'importance de la population vivant alentour, a affirmé M. Yilmaz.
Selon lui, ces mesures doivent "couper l'herbe sous les pieds de ceux qui veulent construire des mosquées à des fins politiques", rapporte Hurriyet.
D'ores et déjà, avec les critères mis en place en 1998 à la suite des tensions apparues en 1997, les demandes d'autorisation de construction de mosquées sont tombées de plus de 2.000 par an à un total de 357 en quantre ans, explique Mehmet Nuri Yilmaz. Seules 260 d'entre elles ont d'ailleurs un avis favorable. (AFP, 30 juillet 2002)
Religious affairs in brief
Trial on Bomb Attack
On 4 July Istanbul SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of 20 people charged with a number of violent acts including the bombing of the Opera Patisserie in the hotel Marmara in Taksim, Istanbul. The bomb explosion of 30 December 1994 had caused the deaths of writer-journalist Onat Kutlar and archeologist Yasemin Ceboyan. The radical Islamic IBDA-C organization had claimed responsibility for the bombing, but the prosecution office at Istanbul SSC indicted the 20 defendants as "members of the PKK." The indictment wants Deniz Demir, Hicran Kaçmaz, Abdülcelil Kaçmaz and Hasan Kizilkaya to be sentenced to death according to Article 125 TPC. The court adjourned the hearing saying that a verdict might be delivered after a study of the files. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 5, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul
In Esenyurt (Istanbul) Irfan Can (32), Ilhan Tunali (26), Mustafa Uzun (30), Sezai Keskin (28), Nurullah Çot (18), Sevki Akyol (18), Evin Ufuk (20), Hüseyin Denizhan (59), Erkan Akay (19), A.A. (17) and Tevfik Öztürk (19) were detained on charges of having conducted illegal religious education to some 65 children aged 9 and 10. During the raid of the gendarmerie a number of journals and books were confiscated including the book "Selam" written by Ahmet Mahmut Ünlü, called "Ahmet hodja with the Robe". The detainees were released after testifying to the public prosecutor in Büyükçekmece and the children were taken to the parents. Following the arrest of 9 alleged members of the Union of Islamic Parishes/Anatolian Federal Islamic State (so-called Kaplancilar) in Kayseri the wanted suspect Metin Öztürk was apprehended. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, July 10, 2002)
Hezbollah Operation in istanbul
During the last week the police in Istanbul conducted two operations in Bakirköy and Esenler quarters and announced the detention of Ridvan Akkus (27) and Sahin Büyük (30), two alleged militants of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. Allegedly they confessed their involvement in some 17 so far unqualified actions in Batman, including 10 killings and were taken to Batman for further interrogation. (Zaman-Hürriyet-TIHV, July 13, 2002)
RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST
L'UE pas encore disposée à négocier une entrée de la Turquie
L'Union européenne n'est pas encore disposée à fixer une date pour le début de négociations avec la Turquie pour une éventuelle adhésion, a indiqué le commissaire européen à l'Elargissement Guenter Verheugen dans une interview parue lundi dans la presse allemande.
"La Commission est contre un marchandage aux méthodes de troc politique", a déclaré le commissaire au quotidien conservateur Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Le déficit d'Ankara, notamment en politique, est toujours "considérable", a-t-il ajouté.
Certes, la Turquie "a commencé à bouger", selon M. Verheugen. Mais une majorité parlementaire à Ankara pour l'abolition de la peine de mort et l'octroi de droits culturels aux Kurdes n'est pas encore acquise à Ankara, a souligné le commissaire européen.
M. Verheugen a par ailleurs déploré l'échec des négociations intercommunautaires sur l'avenir de Chypre, fin juin, entre représentants chypriotes-grecs et chypriotes-turcs.
"J'attends de Rauf Denktasch (le dirigeant chypriote-turc) une attitude plus constructive", a déclaré le commissaire. "La solution pour une résolution du conflit chypriote se trouve à Ankara", selon lui.
Candidate à l'UE depuis décembre 1999, la Turquie espère obtenir une date pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion. Mais elle doit avant cela remplir les critères politiques dits de Copenhague sur le respect des droits de l'Homme et de la démocratie. (AFP, 1 juillet 2002)
Turkish Army's list of the countries "supporting terrorism"
A book on "Terrorism" published by the Press and Public Relations Office of the General Staff is full of interesting information and important details. It puts before the public view the countries that lend support to illegal organizations and the kind of support they give. The book shows, with documents, how big the support the countries we regard as "friends" provide to illegal organizations and the games being played against Turkey.
The book also explains what the PKK [Workers Party of Kurdistan] tries to do at the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, and the European Union. It should not, however, be forgotten that the organization giving messages of "peace" to the Western countries maintains 5,000 armed men in the mountains.
Support given to the PKK is outlined as follows in a book published by the General Staff:
GERMANY: Despite the ban this country put on the PKK in 1993, the organization keeps up its activities under the guidance of the Federation of Kurdish Associations (YEK-KOM) in Germany, with headquarters in Dusseldorf. The Federation carries out its activities through 189 associations, such as societies, peoples' centers, cultural centers, solidarity centers, information centers, institutes, and unions.
"Neu-Isenburg Ozgur Politika," mouthpiece of the PKK, has been published in Frankfurt as a daily since August 1995. The PKK is involved in efforts to broaden its base through a total 13 periodicals and newspapers published under its direction, including the periodicals "Serxwebun" and "Kurdistan Report."
The Organization engages in propaganda activities in Germany by organizing demonstrations, meetings, festivals, and special night events. The security forces do not intervene although placards and symbols characterizing the PKK are carried. The PKK even gets support from certain local administrations.
In addition to pushing its periodicals, exacting money, and collecting fees and donations, the organization is also involved in revenue-yielding activities, such as drug trafficking, and the smuggling of illegal workers into Germany.
A number of German Democratic Socialism Party (PDS) deputies organize joint meetings with the members and associations of the PKK. They also help with getting official clearance.
The ban against the PKK in Germany remains just a show. The organization carries on its activities at ease through associations and foundations that organize themselves under different names. From the point of view of PKK activities, Germany serves as its headquarters in Europe. Certain political parties and institutions accept PKK supporters and establishments as their political interlocutors.
AUSTRIA: In this country the PKK carries out activities through 9 associations and unions, which operate under the Federation of Kurdish Associations. Members of the terrorist organization and some 1,500 sympathizers are active in carrying out propaganda activities by collecting money by force, distributing of leaflets, and putting up posters.
The PKK maintains relations with the Austrian Socialist Party, the Greens, and the Austrian Communist Party.
BELGIUM: Belgium serves as the center for "Kon-Kurd," the supreme organ of the Kurdish Associations, and for Medya TV. The PKK carries out its activities in this country with 11 associations, two unions, one sports club and one center under the guidance of the Federation of Kurdish Associations.
Some deputies of the Christian Democratic Party include on the agenda of the House of Representatives draft resolutions in connection with the so-called Kurdish problem. They support such resolutions.
Officials of the Belgian Foreign Ministry argue that the studio in Denderleeuw is not functioning. However, intelligence information suggests that part of the programs prepared for the Media TV originate in the studio at Denderleeuw.
FRANCE: The PKK has been organized under the "Federation of Kurdish Associations." The "Paris Kurdish Institute" has indirect links with the PKK terrorist organization. In addition to its various activities, such as collecting money under threat, distribution of leaflets, putting up posters, trying to win supporters for the organization, and holding demonstrations, the PKK in France is also active in revenue-earning activities, such as drug smuggling.
PKK's leader in Europe Ali Riza Altun is currently in France. Although his residence permit expired in July 2001, he keeps on waiting in France, and engaging in the activities of the organization, on the pretext that he has filed an appeal.
HOLLAND: The PKK engages in activities in Holland through 11 associations, four unions and three centers under the direction of the Federation of Kurdish Associations. It strives to increase the political and financial support it gets by playing the role of the innocent and the aggrieved. It collects money by force from our citizens in this country.
In different sessions, it providers ideological training for sympathizing youths collected from European countries at a "training camp", which has the appearance of a "Sports Education Center" or a farm house, in the vicinity of Heerbug, and tries to win over men for the armed wing of the PKK.
ENGLAND: The PKK carries out its activities in England through nine associations, three unions, one committee and 2 bureaus, operating under the control of the Federation of Kurdish Associations. In this country, the organization has 5,000 Kurdish sympathizers and around 50 terrorists, many of them in London.
-It is active in collecting money by force. It also uses for the activities of the organization the financial support it procures from local administrations in support of various projects.
-Training is provided for youths at the Kurdistan Labor Association Center. The youths are later sent to the PKK camps in Northern Iraq. Ideological training is provided for women at the London Public House, thus recruiting collaborators for the organization.
-Although England included the terrorist organization in the list of banned organizations in 2001, it approaches with tolerance the activities realized through affiliate foundations of the PKK and refrains from intervening in its propaganda and demonstrations.
SWITZERLAND: In this country the organization carries out its activities through 20 associations, five unions and the Lausanne Kurdish Institute under the control of the Federation of Kurdish Associations. Ideological training, under the guise of cultural activities, is provided in order to promote the activities of the organization.
-PKK makes efforts to increase the membership of its affiliated associations toward earning them official and institutional status, and thus getting more material assistance from the Swiss Government.
ITALY: It carries out its activities in this country through the Kurdish Democratic Rights Union. Three societies and one committee carry out its propaganda-oriented work.
-Some extreme left non-governmental organizations and local administrations, such as the "Liberty-Support for the Kurds Society" and the Toscana and Ancona Municipal Councils, on various occasions, have been holding conferences, meetings, and seminars against Turkey and securing support for the organization.
GREECE: In Greece the PKK carries out its activities through around 10 associations called bureaus, solidarity committees and cultural centers, which function under the "YDK Balkans and Greece Representation," with headquarters in Athens. Publications in Greek are among its activities.
-Members of the organization are sent to Turkey after getting training in Greece on explosive materials and forest fires. The militants are provided with accommodation and ideological training at the Lavrion Refugee Camp.
-The logistic support and the means for making propaganda provided to the organization result in strengthening of the PKK.
-PKK members active in Athens facilitate the crossing to the European countries of Kurdish-origin fugitives living in the Lavrion Refugee Camp and their going to Italy. The organization acts in cooperation with smugglers of humans.
BULGARIA: Three associations, one cultural house, one committee and one center, acting under the "YDK Balkans Representation," based in Athens, carry out the PKK activities in Bulgaria. Crossing of militants into Europe is facilitated by means of organization homes and various trade enterprises.
-Money is collected under threat from Turkish businessmen in Bulgaria and from truck drivers traveling through this country. Acting in cooperation with organized crime centers, money is earned through illegal activities, mainly smuggling of narcotic drugs.
-Establishments with legal appearance, such as the "Patriotic Kurdish Students Union" and the "Kurdish Compatriots Association," keep up their activities as PKK's affiliated organizations.
ROMANIA: Around 100-150 pro-PKK Kurdish Cultural Centers (KOMAL) such as, the Bucharest Kurdish House, Kurdistan Committee, Cultural Center, Information Bureau, Eastern Businessmen's Foundation, are active in this country. Their activities aim at recruiting collaborators, engaging in propaganda, providing ideological training and getting political support.
-KOMAL is officially recognized by Romanian authorities. It is allowed to function in the capacity of a political bureau. The PKK uses this country as a transit point for the transportation of explosive materials that it transfers from other regions. It exacts money from truck drivers.
-The organization's presidential council has instructed its center in Romania, known as the "PKK Central School," to reopen and resume its military-political training in spite of the fact that it is still closed. This is viewed as an effort by the organization to maintain its existence in this country.
RUSSIAN FEDERATION: The PKK has focused its activities on four regions: The Russian Federation and Moscow, the Caucuses, Ukraine, and Kazakhstan and Central Asia Republics. It carries its activities through nine associations, committees and unions.
-The organization makes efforts to recruit collaborators and to get supporters. It uses Russia as a transit point to transfer terrorists from Europe to Iran and Iraq. There are PKK camps in Russia, which had embraced Apo.
-The PKK is also inclined toward Mafia-type activities, intensifying
kidnapping of persons for ransom.
-Transfer by the PKK of terrorists from Europe to Armenia, Iran and
Iraq is realized through this country. It is also significant that the
SA-7 missiles in the possession of the PKK originate in Russia. (Star,
July 5-6, 2002)
RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS
Autorisation à des firmes turques petrolières en Irak
Bagdad a autorisé des firmes pétrolières turques à développer un champ pétrolifère dans le sud de l'Irak, a annoncé jeudi le ministre irakien du Pétrole Amer Rachid au terme des travaux de la commission mixte de coopération irako-turque.
"Nous avons donné l'occasion aux firmes turques de développer un champ pétrolifère dans le sud de l'Irak pour développer notre coopération bilatérale", a déclaré le ministre sans toutefois préciser le champ concerné ou sa capacité de production.
Le ministre irakien et le ministre d'Etat turc Edip Safder Gaydali, qui a dirigé la délégation de son pays, ont par ailleurs paraphé le procès-verbal des réunions qui souligne notamment "la volonté des deux parties de renforcer leur coopération bilatérale dans divers domaines".
La délégation turque est composée de 30 responsables et de 220 représentants de firmes et hommes d'affaires.
Dimanche, M. Gaydali avait affirmé que la commission allait discuter du projet d'un gazoduc entre les deux pays, envisagé depuis près de cinq ans.
L'accord, signé en 1997, prévoit la construction d'un gazoduc de 1.380 km de long et d'un coût estimé à 2,5 milliards de dollars.
Par ailleurs, le ministre irakien des Transports Ahmad Mourtada Ahmad, cité jeudi par le quotidien as-Saoura, a appelé les sociétés turques à "participer à des projets de modernisation du transport ferroviaire en Irak".
"L'Irak a signé 87 contrats avec des entreprises turques, d'un montant de 311 millions de dollars, dans le secteur des transports" ces dernières années, a-t-il indiqué.
En 2001, l'Irak a importé "de Turquie des produits pour un milliard de dollars, dont 50% dans le cadre du programme +pétrole contre nourriture+", avait affirmé dimanche M. Rachid.
La Turquie évalue à environ 40 mds de dollars ses pertes engendrées par l'embargo imposé à l'Irak par l'ONU depuis son invasion du Koweit en 1990. Auparavant, Bagdad était un important partenaire économique d'Ankara. (AFP, 4 juillet 2002)
5.000 km en vélosolex pour dénoncer l'embargo contre l'Irak
Trois jeunes français passionnés de vélosolex ont fait halte mercredi à Istanbul sur leur route vers Bagdad, au départ de Paris, dans le but de dénoncer l'embargo qui frappe l'Irak depuis une décennie.
Bertrand Leblond, technicien de 30 ans, son frère Eric Leblond, informaticien âgé de 27 ans et Nicolas James, ingénieur en automobile de 28 ans, ont indiqué au correspondant de l'AFP avoir avoir entamé leur voyage de 5.000 km le 1er juin dernier et pensent rejoindre la capitale irakienne début septembre.
Inconditionnels du célèbre vélomoteur noir à galet, les trois aventuriers sur deux roues entendent créer un "lien symbolique entre les pays d'Europe, responsables à des niveaux divers de l'embargo, et l'Irak.
Pour Nicolas, ce voyage revendique un "but humanitaire", veut faire jouer la "solidarité internationale".
"Force est de constater que, depuis 10 ans, cet embargo n'a servi à rien, sinon à renforcer le pouvoir en place et à permettre à Saddam Hussein de justifier les graves problèmes de son peuple", renchérit Bertrand.
Les trois jeunes gens n'en sont pas à leur première expériences sur deux roues, puisqu'ils avaient rejoint depuis Paris la métropole chinoise de Shangai il y a deux ans, soient 15.000 km pour simplement visiter le nouveau site de fabrication du plus célèbre vélomoteur français.
Sur place, ils entendent rendre visite à deux organisations humanitaires françaises, et, "si possible" visiter le pays, pour témoigner sur leur site (www.clamart.net) de la situation qu'ils dénoncent. (AFP, 10 juillet 2002)
La Turquie condamne l'assassinat de Haji Abdul Qadir
La Turquie, qui assure actuellement le commandement de la Force internationale d'assistance à la sécurité (ISAF), a condamné dimanche l'assassinat du vice-président afghan Haji Abdul Qadir et souligné la nécessité de maintenir une "atmosphère de paix et de réconciliation" en Afghanistan.
"La Turquie condamne cette attaque déplorable et souhaite que ses auteurs soient capturés dès que possible", a déclaré le ministère turc des affaires étrangères dans un communiqué.
Haji Qadir, puissant seigneur de la guerre de la région de Jalalabad, dans l'est de l'Afghanistan, a été abattu samedi près de son ministère à Kaboul par des inconnus qui ont pu s'enfuir.
"Il est de la plus haute importance de maintenir l'atmosphère de paix et de réconciliation atteinte en Afghanistan après des efforts internationaux intensifs, de continuer à prendre des mesures (pour créer) une structure politique durable, la paix et la stabilité, et de tenir à l'écart les cercles qui souhaitent interrompre ce processus", a déclaré le ministère turc.
Il a réaffirmé l'engagement d'Ankara à assister l'Afghanistan pour maintenir la sécurité et la stabilité dans ce pays déchiré par vingt trois ans de guerres.
La Turquie, seul membre musulman de l'OTAN, a pris en juin le commandement de l'ISAF, force multinationale d'environ 5.000 hommes déployée à Kaboul et dans ses environs. (AFP, 7 juillet 2002)
La crise en Turquie nourrit le pessimisme des Chypriotes-grecs
La crise politique en Turquie risque d'avoir des effets négatifs sur les négociations en cours sur l'avenir de Chypre, a estimé jeudi le ministre chypriote-grec des Affaires étrangères, Yannakis Cassoulidès.
"Nous observons avec grande attention les développements politiques en Turquie. L'incertitude actuelle, l'instabilité et la perspective d'élections ne contribuent pas à faire avancer" les choses, a déclaré M. Cassoulidès à la presse à Nicosie.
"Ces développements pourraient donner à Denktash (le dirigeant chypriote-turc Rauf Denktash) l'occasion de se cacher derrière eux et persévérer dans son orientation intransigeante", a indiqué le chef de la diplomatie chypriote-grecque.
Les démissions successives jeudi des ministres turcs des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem et de l'Economie Kemal Dervis pourraient avoir porté un coup fatal à la coalition en difficulté du Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit.
Toutefois, M. Cassoulidès, qui s'exprimait avant la démission de M. Dervis, n'a pas exclu qu'un nouveau gouvernement turc donne une nouvelle impulsion aux négociations sur l'avenir de l'île divisée, entreprises en janvier entre le président chypriote-grec Glafcos Cléridès et M. Denktash, actuellement dans l'impasse.
"Si un nouveau gouvernement turc était pro-européen, cela pourrait changer les choses", a-t-il dit.
Chypre est divisée en deux secteurs, grec au sud, et turc au nord depuis l'intervention des troupes d'Ankara dans le nord de l'île en 1974, en riposte à un coup d'état d'ultranationalistes chypriotes-grecs qui voulaient rattacher l'île à la Grèce.
La République de Chypre est reconnue par la communauté internationale, contrairement à la RTCN, proclamée unilatéralement et reconnue uniquement par la Turquie.
La perspective de l'entrée de Chypre dans l'Union européenne, programmée pour 2004 que l'île soit ou non réunifiée, a donné un caractère d'urgence à un accord.
Le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU avait critiqué mardi les Chypriotes-turcs, qualifiant leur attitude lors des pourparlers menés sous l'égide des Nations-unis, de "moins constructive". (AFP, 11 juillet 2002)
Erevan espère poursuivre le dialogue avec Ankara malgrés la crise
L'Arménie espère que la crise politique en Turquie n'interrompra pas le dialogue entre Erevan et Ankara destiné à "faire progresser" les relations bilatérales, a déclaré vendredi un porte-parole du ministère arménien des Affaires étrangères.
Les évènements politiques en Turquie sont imprévisibles, "mais nous espérons que le dialogue entamé au plus haut niveau se poursuivra indépendamment de l'évolution politique intérieure en Turquie car il en va de de l'intérêt des deux Etats", a déclaré à l'AFP le porte-parole, Dziounik Agadjanian.
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a admis vendredi qu'il pourrait être forcé à démissionner au cas où son gouvernement en crise perdrait la majorité au parlement à cause de la fronde au sein son parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) et d'une avalanche de démissions de ses députés.
Les ministres turc et arménien des Affaires étrangères, Ismail Cem et Vardan Oskanian, se sont rencontrés le 25 juin à Istanbul. Leur entretien a été qualifiée de "positif" par Ankara.
La Turquie a reconnu l'Arménie peu après son indépendance en 1991, mais n'a jamais établi de relations diplomatiques avec cette ancienne république soviétique du Caucase en raison de la controverse sur le génocide dont les Arméniens estiment avoir été victimes et que la Turquie refuse de reconnaître.
Les massacres et déportations d'Arméniens sous l'empire ottoman, de 1915 à 1917, ont fait 1,5 million de mort selon les Arméniens, entre 300 et 500.000 selon les Turcs. (AFP, 12 juillet 2002)
Pour renverser Saddam, les USA cherchent le soutien d'Ankara
Le secrétaire adjoint américain à la Défense Paul Wolfowitz a exprimé lors de sa visite à Ankara la détermination de son pays à renverser le régime de Saddam Hussein en Irak, recherchant le soutien de son allié stratégique turc, réticent à des frappes militaires.
Le responsable américain a cependant indiqué aux autorités turques que le gouvernement des Etats-Unis n'avait pas encore pris de décision concernant l'Irak ni demandé à Ankara d'en prendre une, lors d'une conférence de presse avant son départ de Turquie.
"Je ne suis pas venu avec une idée précise de ce que devrait être le rôle de la Turquie (dans une éventuelle opération militaire contre l'Irak, ndlr) ni avec la décision d'une opération, car nous n'avons nous-mêmes pas pris de décision", a-t-il dit au terme de deux jours d'entretiens avec les responsables civils et militaire turcs.
"Nous ne sommes pas venus chercher une décision du gouvernement turc, mais pour profiter des points de vue de la Turquie", a-t-il ajouté
"Le régime irakien, hostile aux Etats-Unis et suppôt du terrorisme, est un danger que nous ne pouvons nous permettre d'affronter indéfiniment. Mais résoudre ce problème implique une série de décisions que le président (George W.) Bush n'a pas encore prises", a ajouté M. Wolfowitz.
La Turquie, a de son côté, expliqué à M. Wolfowitz, accompagné du numéro trois du département d'Etat (ministère américain des Affaires étrangères), Marc Grossman, et du général Joseph Ralston, commandant des forces américaines en Europe, pourquoi elle voulait éviter une option militaire : sa hantise de la création d'un Etat kurde dans le cas de l'éclatement de l'Irak et les répercussions défavorables pour son économie en crise.
Un Etat kurde dans le nord de l'Irak, région contrôlée depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991 par deux factions kurdes, pourrait réveiller les velléités séparatistes des Kurdes de Turquie, pays confronté jusqu'à un passé récent à une telle rébellion.
Elle a également réclamé de son allié-clé un mécanisme de consultation plus étroit.
"Nous ne voulons pas de surprise. Nous leur avons dit de nous consulter à chaque étape de leur décision et de ne pas se contenter de nous informer la veille d'une éventuelle opération" militaire, a précisé à l'AFP un responsable turc sous couvert de l'anonymat.
Les autorités ont en outre demandé la possibilité au numéro deux du Pentagone (ministère américain de la Défense) d'effacer la dette de la Turquie découlant des ventes d'armes américaines, se chiffrant à plus de 4 milliards de dollars.
Cengiz Candar, éditorialiste du journal islamiste Yeni Safak, relevait que la position d'Ankara consistait désormais davantage à "réclamer des garanties économiques et politiques des Etats-Unis qu'à s'opposer à des frappes".
Selon lui, la décision du gouvernement de coalition du Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit de convoquer des élections anticipées en novembre pourrait permettre d'avoir un gouvernement stable à Ankara avant le lancement au début de l'année prochaine d'une opération contre l'Irak.
M. Wolfowitz a souligné que la situation économique de la Turquie "préoccupait grandement les Etats-Unis", tout en jugeant "très bonnes" ses perspectives économiques à long terme.
Les menaces américaines contre l'Irak se précisent alors que la Turquie a accru ces dernières années ses efforts pour revitaliser son commerce avec son voisin.
Le volume commercial entre les deux pays avant la guerre du Golfe s'élevait à 4 milliards de dollars par an. Actuellement, il est de deux milliards de dollars par an.
Ankara chiffre à environ 40 milliards de dollars ses pertes liées à l'embargo multiforme imposé contre l'Irak. (AFP, 17 juillet 2002)
Ecevit appelle Washington à un dialogue étroit sur l'Irak
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a appelé les Etats-Unis à s'engager dans un dialogue très étroit avec son pays au cas où ils décideraient de lancer une opération militaire contre l'Irak voisin.
"Nous leur avons dit que nous attendions d'eux un dialogue très étroit s'ils décidaient de lancer une opération", a-t-il dit mercredi soir à une chaîne privée turque après le départ d'Ankara du secrétaire adjoint américain à la Défense Paul Wolfowitz au terme d'une visite de deux jours .
"L'Irak est notre voisin. Nous avons de bonnes relations. Nous avons demandé (aux Américains) de faire preuve d'extrême prudence afin que nous subissions le moins de dommages possible", a-t-il souligné.
La Turquie est réticente à une opération militaire contre l'Irak, craignant les répercussions sur son économie en crise et une déstabilisation de la région ou la création d'un Etat kurde dans le nord de l'Irak frontalier qui pourrait réveiller les aspirations séparatistes de ses propres Kurdes.
M. Ecevit a indiqué avoir tenté de convaincre le responsable américain que l'option militaire n'était pas pas une nécessité.
Il a cependant ajouté que "l'administration américaine ne cache pas qu'elle est déterminée à intervenir militairement en Irak".
Les menaces américaines contre l'Irak se précisent alors que la Turquie a accru ces dernières années ses efforts pour revitaliser son commerce avec son voisin.
Le volume commercial entre les deux pays avant la guerre du Golfe s'élevait à 4 milliards de dollars par an. Actuellement, il est de deux milliards de dollars par an.
Ankara chiffre à environ 40 milliards de dollars ses pertes liées à l'embargo multiforme imposé contre l'Irak après la guerre du Golfe en 1991. (AFP, 18 juillet 2002)
Chypre: deuil au sud et fête au nord, 28 ans après l'intervention turque
Les Chypriotes grecs et les Chypriotes turcs ont marqué samedi, par des cérémonies de deuil pour les Grecs, des réjouissances pour les Turcs, le 28ème anniversaire du débarquement des troupes turques dans le nord de Chypre, qui a provoqué la division de l'île.
Le 20 juillet 1974, les troupes turques débarquaient sur une plage de Kyrénia (nord de l'île), en réponse à un coup d'Etat d'ultra-nationalistes grecs, soutenus par la junte des colonels alors au pouvoir à Athènes, qui voulaient rattacher à la Grèce l'île, peuplée de Grecs et de Turcs.
Après un mois de combats, l'armée turque occupait 37% de l'île. Plus de 35.000 soldats y sont toujours stationnés, 28 ans plus tard.
Les combats de 1974 ont coûté la vie à 3.000 personnes, soldats et civils. Quelque 2.500 Chypriotes grecs ont été faits prisonniers et 200.000 civils déplacés, soit le tiers de la population de l'île.
Dans la partie sud (grecque) de Chypre, les sirènes d'alarme ont retenti samedi à l'aube dans toutes les villes. De nombreuses cérémonies sont prévues pour rendre hommage aux soldats et civils morts lors de l'invasion, ainsi qu'aux quelque 1.400 Chypriotes grecs toujours portés disparus.
Une manifestation contre l'occupation est prévue à Dherynia (sud de l'île), où deux Chypriotes grecs ont été tués par des tirs de soldats turcs en 1996, un des incidents récents les plus graves enregistrés sur la "ligne verte" qui sépare en deux l'île et sa capitale Nicosie, et sur laquelle sont stationnés quelque 1.300 Casques bleus de l'ONU.
Pour les Chypriotes turcs, qui ont proclamé en 1983 la République turque de Chypre nord (RTCN, uniquement reconnue par Ankara et sous embargo international), le débarquement turc est célébré comme une opération ayant assuré leur sécurité face aux Grecs, majoritaires.
Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères, Sukru Sina Gurel, nommé il y a une semaine et à la réputation d'intransigeance sur la question chypriote, a effectué samedi son premier déplacement à l'extérieur pour participer aux cérémonies dans la partie nord de Nicosie.
"Le chemin vers une solution (à la partition de l'île) passe par un statut et une souveraineté égaux des Chypriotes turcs", a-t-il déclaré dans un discours, après un défilé militaire et le survol de la ville par six avions de combat de l'armée de l'air turque.
"La Turquie ne permettra jamais un retour aux jours sombres qui ont précédé le 20 juillet 1974", a assuré M. Gurel, faisant référence aux violences intercommunautaires qui avaient précédé le coup d'Etat et l'invasion.
La commémoration de ce 28ème anniversaire intervient alors que les négociations directes menées depuis janvier entre le président chypriote grec Glafcos Cléridès et le dirigeant chypriote turc Rauf Denktash pour trouver une solution à la partition de l'île sont toujours dans l'impasse.
M. Cléridès, dans une adresse à la nation, a déclaré que les deux communautés avaient besoin de trouver une solution pour l'île qui "soigne les blessures du passé".
La perspective de l'entrée de Chypre dans l'Union européenne, programmée pour 2004 que l'île soit ou non réunifiée, a rendu urgent la conclusion d'un accord entre les deux parties, mais les pourparlers sous l'égide de l'ONU achoppent notamment sur la question de l'organisation politique d'une île réunifiée. (AFP, 20 juillet 2002)
Athènes n'a pas d'information sur l'extrême-gauche turque en Grèce
La Grèce n'a aucune information "jusque là" sur "les activités" de l'extrême-gauche turque dans le pays, a-t-on indiqué mardi de source diplomatique.
Invitée par le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères à donner "des explications" sur un article publié dimanche dans un quotidien grec, selon lequel l'un des chefs historiques d'un groupe clandestin d'extrême-gauche turc était à Athènes, l'ambassade de Grèce à Ankara, a répondu que "jusque là, il n'y a pas d'information sur des activités de ce dirigeant en Grèce", selon la même source.
Selon cet article paru dans le grand quotidien To Vima, Dursun Karatas, chef de l'organisation d'extrême-gauche DHKP-C, "vit parfois plusieurs mois en Grèce, et actuellement il se trouve là".
Le DHKP-C (groupe clandestin d'extrême-gauche turc, connu aussi
sous le nom de Dev Sol) est inscrit sur la liste des mouvements terroristes
établie en mai par l'Union européenne.
Interrogé sur cet article mardi lors de son point de presse,
le porte-parole du gouvernement, Christos Protopapas, a déclaré
qu'"en Grèce parfois vivent des Turcs qui bénéficient
du statut de réfugié selon les réglementations strictes
du Haut Commissariat de l'ONU".
Concernant des activités de "Dev Sol" en Grèce, comme avait soutenu To Vima, M. Protopapas a dit que "cette organisation n'a pas et ne peut avoir de local en Grèce".
L'article de To Vima avait évoqué notamment des liens éventuels entre le DHKP-C et le groupe terroriste grec "17 Novembre", dont onze membres présumés ont été arrêtés ces derniers jours en Grèce par la police dans le cadre d'une vaste enquête du sercice anti-terroriste sur son démantèlement.
"17 Novembre" est responsable depuis 1975 de 23 assassinats à Athènes, de personnalités grecques et étrangères dont deux diplomates turcs en 1991 et 1994.
Un communiqué adressé "à la presse et l'opinion publique" et signé par "la représentation balkanique du Front de Libération du Peuple Révolutionnaire, DHKC" a été envoyé mardi soir aux bureaux des médias grecs.
Ce communiqué a appelé "To Vima (...) et tout journal, qui avaient essayé de créer un climat de provocation et de diffamation des mouvements révolutionnaires turcs et du DHKC à l'occasion de l'affaire du +17 Novembre+, à publier tout élément qui prouve" les éventuels liens entre "17 Novembre" et DHKC. (AFP, 23 juillet 2002)
Le MGK débat d'une éventuelle frappe américaine en Irak
Le Conseil National de Sécurité (MGK) turc a débattu jeudi d'une éventuelle frappe militaire américaine en Irak dont il craint de graves conséquences sur l'économie de la Turquie, déjà en crise, et sur ses intérêts régionaux, selon un communiqué publié après sa réunion mensuelle.
Selon le communiqué, le Conseil a discuté "des effets sur le pays et la région d'une possible opération des Etats-Unis pour changer le régime irakien", sans donner plus de détails.
Le Conseil, qui élabore les principales politiques du pays, comprend les dirigeants civils et les principaux responsables militaires.
Le sous-secrétaire américain à la Défense, Paul Wolfowitz, était à Ankara la semaine dernière pour gagner le soutien de la Turquie aux plans américains pour renverser le régime de Bagdad.
La Turquie, allié clé de l'OTAN, traverse une crise politique, et a demandé aux Etats-Unis de maintenir des consultations étroites sur ses éventuels mouvements contre son voisin du sud.
Ankara craint qu'une guerre en Irak n'affaiblisse encore son économie alors qu'elle tente de sortir de l'une de ses pires récessions depuis des décennies avec un programme d'austérité soutenu par des prêts massifs du Fonds Monétaire International.
La Turquie a également peur que la déstabilisation de l'Irak conduise à la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant dans le nord de l'Irak qui pourrait renforcer le sentiment séparatiste chez les Kurdes du sud de la Turquie.
La base américaine d'Incirlik en Turquie avait servi à l'aviation américaine pour bombarder l'Irak en 1991 durant la guerre du Golfe et sert toujours à contrôler la zone de non-survol qui protège les Kurdes du nord irakien. (AFP, 25 juillet 2002)
"Water Crisis" to Hit Turkey by 2020
While drawing attention to the fact that Turkey will suffer water shortages in 2020, the organization called Global Water Partnership emphasized that this problem could lead to a war.
Turkey is cited among countries facing the threat of "water crisis" after 2020. Experts, while drawing attention to the fact that Turkey will be desperate for water in 2020, stated that water shortages would be the biggest problem in the future, not only in terms of health, but in many spheres such as foreign policy, industry, and agriculture.
According to the data revealed by the organization Global Water Partnership, "water shortage" in Turkey allows for around 1,000 cubic meters per capita. The figure was 1,580 as of the beginning of 2000, below the "pressure on water" limit recognized as 1,670.
It seems inevitable that the figure will drop to 1,200 in 2030. Still, because only 33 percent of this amount can be offered for consumption, the amount of water that was offered for use in Turkey as of 2000 stopped at 602 cubic meters per person, below the "water shortage" limit.
Rainwater and water flowing in from other countries are considered to be sources of fresh water. According to State Waterworks data, the amount of water flowing into Turkey from its neighbors is merely 6.9 billion cubic meters. After that there is a water reserve of 110 billion cubic meters both above and below ground.
At this rate, Turkey will not be able to give its neighbors almost any water in 10 years' time. That is why experts draw attention to the fact that serious diplomatic problems will be experienced in relations with Syria, Iraq, and Iran.
Water Casus Belli
Again, the Parliament Commission for Research on Underground and Above Ground Water Resources warned that Turkey could become an "arid country" in 2025. In the report it prepared the Commission drew attention to the fact that Turkey, contrary to widespread thought, is not a water-rich country:
1. Turkey is not a water-rich country as it is thought to be. It is a country that could experience water problems in the near future, unless the necessary measures are taken, due to lack of control over resources, usage without due awareness, and pollution, and because of the uneven distribution of rainfall and resources across the regions. When Turkey's rapid population growth is taken into account, it can be seen that in the coming years it will be possible for it to rank among countries that experience water shortages. Cases of cholera, typhoid, dysentery, hepatitis, diarrhea, child paralysis, and malaria have increased in recent years due to the use of dirty water.
2. The Euphrates and Tigris, which form the backbone of the Southeastern Anatolia Project and on which the construction of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric plants is planned, are a source of disagreement among Turkey, Iraq, and Syria, because they flow through the latter two. Unless a solution is found, it is possible that Syria might use the River Orontes against the Euphrates. The joint demand of Iraq and Syria is not the allocation of water but its partition. A permanent solution to the issue must be found by means of compromise. Water will be the most strategic element of the 21st century. It is stated that water might become a casus belli.
3. The "Manavgat Water Supply Project" encompasses getting ready to load 500,000 cubic meters of water on tankers and transporting it via sea. Discussions on selling a quarter of the produced water to Israel are going on. The necessary attention must be paid to this issue.
4. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait are cited among the countries to which water is to be transferred within the scope of the "Water for Peace Project". However, they are opposed to the project because it will not be economic for them and because it carries the risk of dependency on Turkey. Moreover, Syria, through which the pipeline will pass, is not warming to the project.
For a country to be considered water-rich today, it needs to have an average annual water potential of 10,000 cubic meters per person. Those countries in which the potential water capacity per person is below 1,000 cubic meters are considered arid.(Ozgur Politika, July 22, 2002)
IMMIGRATION / MIGRATION
Onze immigrés clandestins arrêtés en Bulgarie
La police frontalière bulgare a arrêté 11 immigrés clandestins en provenance de Turquie, dont dix Afghans et un Turc, a annoncé mercredi le ministère bulgare de l'Intérieur.
Le groupe mené par le ressortissant turc a traversé à pied dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi la frontière bulgaro-turque près du poste de Malko Tarnovo, sud-est, a précisé le ministère.
Les clandestins seront extradés jeudi vers la Turquie, a indiqué la même source.
La Turquie est un point de passage important vers l'Europe de l'ouest pour les candidats à l'immigration venus d'Afrique ou d'Asie. Les policiers bulgares procèdent régulièrement à ce type d'arrestations. (AFP, 3 juillet 2002)
"Mehmet" autorisé à revenir en Allemagne pour un procès
Le jeune "Mehmet", un délinquant d'origine turque qui avait été expulsé d'Allemagne en 1998, à l'âge de 14 ans, a été autorisé à revenir en Allemagne pour un procès concernant son expulsion, a annoncé mercredi un porte-parole de la Cour fédérale administrative, à Berlin.
Le jeune homme, maintenant âgé de 18 ans, a indiqué qu'il viendrait, a ajouté le porte-parole. La Cour fédérale doit se prononcer sur la validité de l'expulsion controversée du jeune délinquant, décidée par la ville de Munich qui n'avait alors pas prolongé son permis de séjour. Un arrêt est attendu dès mardi prochain.
En novembre dernier, la Cour administrative de Bavière avait jugé l'expulsion de l'adolescent non conforme au droit. Pour justifier sa décision, la Cour administrative régionale avait cité un accord signé en 1980 entre la Communauté européenne et la Turquie, selon lequel une expulsion pouvait avoir lieu seulement si le jeune incriminé représentait un véritable danger. Or ceci n'était pas le cas de Mehmet, selon une expertise faite alors.
La ville de Munich a toutefois décidé de se pourvoir en cassation, remettant ainsi ce cas dans les mains de la Cour fédérale administrative de Berlin.
Le cas de "Mehmet" --un pseudonyme choisi par la justice allemande pour protéger l'anonymat de l'adolescent-- avait provoqué une vive polémique en Allemagne, devenant emblématique de la fermeté de la Bavière, un Etat régional dirigé par l'Union chrétienne-sociale (CSU, branche bavaroise ulra-conservatrice de la démocratie-chrétienne), à l'égard des délinquants étrangers.
Les autorités bavaroises envisageaient à l'origine d'expulser "Mehmet" avec ses parents, ce qui aurait constitué une première en Allemagne. L'annonce de son expulsion avait provoqué un tollé dans le pays. Les parents avaient finalement eu le droit de rester.
En octobre 1998, le jeune délinquant qui était né et avait grandi en Allemagne, avait été condamné à un an de prison ferme par un tribunal de Munich pour vols et blessures corporelles aggravés. L'adolescent, qui avait déjà commis une soixantaine de délits, était poursuivi avec trois complices pour l'agression sauvage d'un jeune homme de 19 ans. (AFP, 10 juillet 2002)
Un bateau arraisonné avec 201 immigrants clandestins à bord
Les garde-côtes turcs ont intercepté samedi un bateau transportant 201 personnes soupçonnées d'être des immigrants clandestins, parmi lesquels quelque trente cinq enfants, a-t-on annoncé de source officielle.
Agissant à partir d'un renseignement, les garde-côtes ont arraisonné le navire à quelques milles marins au large de la ville de Finike, dans la province d'Antalya, a indiqué le sous-préfet de la province à l'agence de presse turque Anatolie.
La plupart des passagers étaient des Turcs cherchant à émigrer clandestinement vers l'Europe, mais il y avait également à bord trois Pakistanais et trois Bangalais, selon Anatolie.
Le bateau devait se rendre en Italie. Il attendait apparemment depuis jeudi dans les eaux territoriales turques le moment propice pour prendre le large, jusqu'à ce qu'il ait une avarie vendredi.
Les passagers ont indiqué qu'ils avaient payé chacun de 2 à 3.000 euros pour la traversée, selon Anatolie.
La Turquie est le point principal d'entrée de clandestins en
Europe, souvent avec l'assistance de réseaux spécialisés
dans le trafic d'êtres humains. Ensuite, les immigrants essaient
de traverser la Grèce par la route ou de rejoindre la Grèce
ou l'Italie par la mer. (AFP, 20 juillet 2002)
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