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Inci Tugsavul
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- Dix-huit partis politiques en lice
- Les élections sonnent le glas de la coalition au pouvoir
- Le parlement sortant a changé de visage depuis trois ans
- La Turquie (FICHE TECHNIQUE)
- Chronologie politique depuis les élections législatives 1999
- Favori aux législatives, l'AK désignera son Premier ministre après le scrutin
- International missions to observe Nov.3 elections
- Le dernier-né des partis pro-kurdes participera aux élections
- Un procureur traque le parti pro-kurde DEHAP et réclame une enquête
- DEHAP meeting in Istanbul attracted half a million people.
- The meaning of the DEHAP's Istanbul meeting
- Many Intellectuals Support the DEHAP
- Appeal against pressure on DEHAP's electoral campaign
- Recent violations of the right to free election reported by TIHV
- Le procureur veut que le parti renonce à son appellation "communiste"
- Cem Uzan (Jeune Parti), le manipulateur osé des média
LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM
- Torture and its punishment: Problem is not lack of law to prevent torture
- A petition to European Parliemant on political prisoners in Turkey
- Grève de la faim: la police a arrêté 101 manifestants
- Torturers from Manisa Convicted
- Lawyers deny Justice Minister's claims on tortures
- Human Rights violations in brief
PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA- Le rédacteur en chef d'Info-Türk sera traduit en justice dès qu'il rentrera dans son pays
- AGJPB proteste officiellement contre l'inculpation d'Özgüden
- RSF réagit contre l'inculpation d'Özgüden et deux autres journalistes
- Witch Hunt: Scientist Haluk Gerger not allowed to the USA though he had a 10-year visa
- Sanar Yurdatapan's open letter to the US Ambassador
- PEN protests U.S. treatment of Haluk Gerger
- Des chaînes de télévision suspendues pour avoir violé les lois électorales
- Turkish singer charged in balloon incident
- La Turquie condamnée pour violation de la liberté d'expression
- RSF poursuivie par un général turc pour atteinte au droit à l'image
- CYPRUS: Opposition journalists released from prison
- Former editor sentenced to 12 and a half years in prison
- Police evict journalists from Turkish occupied area
- Violations of thought freedom in brief
QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION
- La peine de mort d'Abdullah Ocalan commuée en prison à vie
- Conseil de l'Europe: Les conditions de détention d'Ocalan doivent être assouplies
- Des Kurdes brûlent un drapeau turc à Tbilissi
- Menaces du PKK si un parti pro-kurde est écarté des élections
- Les Kurdes d'Irak rêvent toujours d'indépendance malgré les menaces des voisins
- Kurdish Courses Forbidden to Those Who Do Not Know Turkish
- Chief prosecutor seeks charges against DEHAP
- Kurdish broadcasts subject to a thousand and one restrictions
- Registration Office files a complaint against a Kurdish name
- Despite Turkey's EU reforms, Kurdish name problem remains
- Un candidat kurde brièvement interpellé pour avoir parlé kurde
- Trois morts dans un incident armé entre soldats et rebelles kurdes
- Accrochages entre armée et militants kurdes: un mort et six blessés
- HRW appelle la Turquie à aider au retour des Kurdes déplacés
- Kurdish Question in Brief
MINORITES / MINORITIES
- To say Turkey is a mosaic is separatism
- US criticizes Turkey over restrictions on religious freedom
- Assyrians/Syriacs were assaulted and beaten in Turabdin
- Nouveau rapport sur la situation des Arméniens en Turquie
SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC
- Le FMI n'accordera pas de nouveaux prêts à la Turquie avant les élections
- Les failles de la mer de Marmara toujours aussi dangereuses
- Le budget 2003 consacre la moitié des dépenses au remboursement de la dette
- La stabilité du prochain gouvernement, première inquiétude des industriels
- La stabilité politique en Turquie essentielle aux réformes économiques (OCDE)
- La Turquie va stocker sous la mer des importations de gaz
- Cirali, un miracle éco-touristique conquis de haute lutte contre le béton
- Sauver la richesse de la côte lycienne, un défi face au tourisme de masse
- Programme pilote pour la préservation de 10 éco-régions méditerranéennes
- A la recherche du léopard et au secours d'autres espèces menacées
AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS
- Ban on headscarved students goes on in schools
- Lancement d'une procédure d'interdiction contre le parti pro-islamiste AK
- Turquie: des perruques sur les foulards
- Religious affaires in brief
RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST
- Tension turco-européenne sur la question d'élargissement
- Turkey's shortcomings according to the EU Progress Report
- Human Rights Watch Report on Turkey to the EU
- Turkey's top court refuses to stop implementation of key EU-reforms
- La Turquie dénonce le rapport de l'UE, attend Copenhague
- La Turquie condamnée pour traitements inhumains à l'encontre d'une détenue
- La Turquie menace de revoir ses relations avec l'Union européenne
- L'UE lance des signaux positifs à la Turquie
- Les conclusions du sommet "positives" mais insuffisantes, selon Ankara
- La défense européenne en retard à cause de la Turquie, selon Athènes
- Foundations controversy sparks crisis in ties with Germany
- Un Belge soupçonné de trafic d'armes extradé de la Turquie vers la Belgique
RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS
- Menaces d'Ankara contre un Etat kurde indépendant en Irak
- "Plusieurs centaines" de soldats turcs déjà en Irak
- L'Irak met en garde la Turquie contre l'ouverture de ses bases aux Américains
- Les Kurdes d'Irak se réconcilient en pleine crise entre Bagdad et Washington
- Mise en garde d'Ankara contre un Etat kurde indépendant en Irak
- Irak : Ankara hésite entre son soutien aux USA et sa hantise des Kurdes
- Kurdes d'Irak: Ankara évoque une possible réponse militaire
- Ecevit qualifie d'"inacceptable" un projet de constitution des kurdes d'Irak
- Ankara et Téhéran signent un accord pour régler leur contentieux gazier
- Adhésion de Chypre à l'UE: la RTCN et la Turquie haussent le ton
- Ecevit irrité par la "capitale" kurde du nord de l'Irak
- La Turquie se mobilise contre une possible guerre en Irak
- Le sommet de l'ECO soutient l'Afghanistan sans action précise
- L'Iran opposé à la création d'un Etat kurde en Irak
- Un projet de gazoduc azéri-turc en difficulté, reconnaît le président Aliev
- Un responsable turc suggère une "protection" turque dans le nord de l'Irak
- L'Armenie soutient les aspirations européennes de la Turquie
- Vive protestation grecque après un incident en mer Egée
- M. Simitis stigmatise "l'intransigeance" de la Turquie face à Chypre
- La Turquie accuse les USA d'encourager l'indépendance des Kurdes irakiens
- Achèvement de la contruction du gazoduc Russie-Turquie
- La Turquie ferme un aéroport civil proche d'une importante base aérienne
- Les Kurdes tentent une délicate réconciliation après les luttes meurtrières
- Des Kurdes irakiens veulent apaiser Ankara, mais revendiquent Kirkouk
- Chypre entre dans "une période critique" (responsable chypriote-grec)
- Turkey falling into the Iraq trap
- La Russie demande la fermeture des associations pro-tchétchènes en Turquie
Dix-huit partis politiques en lice
Dix-huit partis politiques participant aux élections législatives du 3 novembre 2002, avec leur prise de position vis-à-vis de l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne:
Pour l'adhésion à l'Union européenne:
1. Parti de la Mère-Patrie (ANAP), Mesut Yilmaz,
centre-droite.
2. Parti républicain du peuple (CHP), Deniz Baykal,
centre-gauche.
3. Parti de la Turquie Nouvelle (YTP), Ismail Cem, centriste.
4. Parti de la Juste Voie (DYP), Tansu Ciller, centre-droite. [Les
dirigeants du parti de la Turquie démocrate (DTP),
centre-droite,
et du parti de la Turquie illuminée (ATP), extrême-droite,
figurent également sur la liste du DYP.]
5. Parti démocrate libéral (LDP), Besim Tibuk,
centre-droite
Catégoriquement contre l'adhésion à l'Union européenne:
6. Parti Jeune (GP), Cem Uzan, extrême-droite
7. Parti de la Grande Union (BBP), Muhsin Yazicioglu,
extrême-droite
et islamiste.
8. Parti Communiste de Turquie (TKP), Aydemir Güler, gauche
marxiste
9. Bagimsiz Türkiye Partisi (BTP), Haydar Bas, islamiste.
10. Parti Ouvrier (IP), Dogu Perincek, Atatürkiste
Contre plusieurs critères de démocratisation et de modernisation de l'Union européenne:
11. Parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP), Bülent
Ecevit,
gauche nationaliste.
12. Parti d'action nationaliste (MHP), Devlet Bahceli,
extrême-droite.
13. Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP), Tayyip
Erdogan,
islamiste.
14. Parti du Bonheur (SP) de Recai Kutan, islamiste.
15. Parti du Pays (YP), Saadettin Tantan, centre-droite.
16. Parti de la Nation (MP), Aykut Edibali, islamiste
Contre les critères de marché libre de l'Union européenne:
17. Parti de la Liberté et de la Solidarité (ÖDP), Ufuk Uras, gauche marxiste. [Les trois députés du parti Social-Démocrate (TDP), centre-gauche, figurent également sur la liste ÖDP.]
Divergence d'opinions relative à l'Union européenne
18. Parti Démocratique du Peuple (DEHAP), plutôt un
bloc
de trois partis politiques. Le parti pour la démocratie du
Peuple
(HADEP), puissant dans le Kurdistan turc, est nettement favorable
à
l'adhésion alors que ses deux petits partenaires de gauche
marxiste,
le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale
(SDP), se déclaraient contre l'adhésion.
Les élections sonnent le glas de la coalition au pouvoir
Les élections législatives du 3 novembre 2002 en Turquie devraient sonner le glas de la coalition gouvernementale, dont deux partis au moins sont menacés de disparition, dans le contexte d'une vague de mécontentement.
Une inflation gallopante, une dévaluation de plus de 50% de la livre turque et un million de chomeurs supplémentaires devraient avoir raison de la coalition dirigée depuis avril 1999 par le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, selon tous les sondages.
Le parti de la gauche démocratique (DSP) de M. Ecevit et le parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP), qui en 1999 avaient remporté un total de 222 des 550 sièges au parlement, seraient purement et simplement éliminés du prochain parlement, selon les sondages.
Le troisième membre de la coalition gouvernementale, le parti d'action nationaliste (MHP) d'extreme-droite, qui avait réussi une très belle percée en 1999 en remportant 129 sièges, aurait les plus grandes difficultés à passer la barre des 10% de suffrages nécessaires pour être représenté au prochain parlement.
Parmi les 18 partis en lice dimanche, deux seulement -- absents du parlement en 1999 -- pourraient se partager l'essentiel des sièges, selon les sondages, souvent peu fiables mais unanimes tout du moins dans leurs projections.
Avec 30% des suffrages, le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK), issu il y a tout juste 15 mois de partis islamistes dissous, pourrait à lui seul remporter une majorité parlementaire, au grand mécontentement de la hiérarchie militaire et laïque du pays.
Son dirigeant, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, ne sera toutefois pas Premier ministre, car il a été déclaré inéligible en raison d'une ancienne condamnation pour "incitation à la haine religieuse".
Le parti Républicain du Peuple (CHP), un parti social-démocrate créé par Ataturk, le fondateur de la Turquie moderne, arriverait en seconde position avec un peu plus de 18% des suffrages, selon les sondages.
Les élections étaient prévues pour 2004, mais une crise gouvernementale, provoquée au départ par la mauvais état de santé de M. Ecevit, 77 ans, a précipité la décision du parlement de convoquer un scrutin anticipé.
Une querelle entre l'ANAP et le MHP, concernant les réformes à mettre en oeuvre pour aligner le pays sur les normes européennes, a vite dégénéré en foire d'empoigne, tandis que les députés du DSP, craignant une déroute, abandonnaient leur parti à qui mieux mieux.
Sur un total de 136 députés du DSP élus en 1999, il n'en restait plus que 58 fin octobre. La plupart des autres ont rejoint les rangs du parti de la Nouvelle Turquie, fondé par l'ancien ministres des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem.
Les électeurs turcs semblaient toutefois déterminés à punir le plus grand nombre possible de députés sortants.
Selon le centre d'études sociales d'Istanbul, près de la moitié des quatre millions de nouveaux électeurs, appelés à se prononcer pour la première fois dimanche, entendent voter pour deux nouvelles formations -- l'AK ou le parti Genc (jeune) de l'homme d'affaires Cem Uzan.
Et selon le journal Milliyet, citant un récent sondage, près du tiers des électeurs vouloir voter pour un parti "différent" de celui pour lequel ils se sont prononcés par le passé, au risque d'éliminer tous les partis actuellement au parlement.
Ainsi, bien que les grands médias préfèrent ignorer même son existence, le bloc électoral DEHAP pourrait également franchir la barre de 10%. Ce bloc a été constitué par le HADEP, seul parti politique puissant dans le Kurdistan turc, et par deux petits partis appartenant à la gauche marxiste: le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP).
Le DEHAP, seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections législatives de novembre, se félicite des nouvelles réformes adoptées par Ankara --dont le droit à l'enseignement privé et à une télévision en langue Kurde-- mais attend surtout de voir leur mise en œuvre. Les responsables du parti démocratique du peuple (DEHAP) saluent les réformes adoptées par le parlement turc début août pour aligner la Turquie, pays candidat à l'Union européenne, sur les normes européennes, mais notent que "les lois sans changement de mentalités n'ont pas de signification".
"Ces lois sont une révolution", estime Osman Baydemir, un candidat du DEHAP aux élections législatives du 3 novembre. Mais il note, par exemple, qu'il est toujours interdit d'enregistrer son enfant à l'état-civil sous un nom kurde. "La mise en œuvre des lois est aussi importante que leur adoption", renchérit Ali Urkut, président provincial du DEHAP à Diyarbakir, lui aussi candidat aux législatives.
Le DEHAP est le seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections après la décision du HADEP de se saborder à son profit. Le HADEP --accusé de "liens organiques" avec les rebelles kurdes-- craignait en effet de se voir interdire par la justice turque juste avant le scrutin. Outre le HADEP, deux petits partis de gauche marxiste, le parti du Travail (EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP), présentent une liste commune sous la houlette du DEHAP.
Le parti pour la démocratie du Peuple (HADEP), puissant
dans
le Kurdistan turc, est nettement favorable à l'adhésion
alors
que ses deux petits partenaires de gauche marxiste, le parti du Travail
(EMEP) et le parti de la démocratie sociale (SDP), se
déclaraient
contre l'adhésion.
Le parlement sortant a changé de visage depuis trois ans
Le parlement turc sortant ne ressemble guère à celui sorti des urnes aux dernières élections en avril 1999, sa composition politique ayant beaucoup changé du fait de l'éclatement ou de la disparition de partis qui y ont été élus.
Le parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) du Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, arrivé en tête aux dernières élections avec 22,2% des suffrages et qui avait obtenu 136 sièges au parlement, a implosé cet été du fait de la défection de plus de la moitié de ses députés.
Fin octobre, le DSP ne comptait plus que 58 sièges (sur les 550 sièges du parlement), et était menacé de disparaître du parlement à l'issue des élections anticipées de dimanche.
Le Mouvement nationaliste d'extrème-droite (MHP), deuxième membre de la coalition au pouvoir, qui avait recueilli 18% des voix et 129 sièges en 1999, se retrouvait fin octobre en position dominante dans le parlement sortant avec 124 députés.
Le parti de la Mère Patrie (ANAP), troisième membre de la coalition gouvernementale, qui avait recueilli 13,2% des voix et 86 sièges en 1999, comptait 71 députés en octobre au parlement.
Parmi les autres formations représentées dans le parlement sortant, le parti de la Juste Voie (DYP) de l'ancien premier ministre Tansu Ciller comptait fin octobre 81 sièges au parlement.
Le parti islamiste de la Vertu (FP), dissous par décision de justice en juin 2001, comptait 111 députés en 1999.
Une partie des ses représentants a rejoint le nouveau parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK), fondé il y a un an et qui compte aujourd'hui 59 députés, d'autres ont rejoint le parti de la Félicité (SP), qui compte 46 députés. D'autres encore se sont joints aux députés indépendants.
Le parti de la Nouvelle Turquie (YTP), fondé cet été par d'anciens députés du DSP, dont l'ancien ministre des Affaires étrangères Ismail Cem, comptait 58 sièges.
Les autres formations comptaient:
- Le parti de la Grande Unité (BBP): 4 sièges
- Le parti de la Liberté et de la solidarité (ODP): 3
sièges
- Le parti de la patrie (YP): 3 sièges
- Le parti Républicain du Peuple (CHP): 3 sièges
- indépendants: 26 sièges
- sièges vacants: 14
La Turquie (FICHE TECHNIQUE)
La Turquie, où se déroulent le 3 novembre des
élections
législatives anticipées, est une république au
régime
laïc qui fait figure d'exception dans le monde musulman.
SITUATION GEOGRAPHIQUE: Pays de 779.452 km2 à cheval sur l'Asie et l'Europe. Baignée par les mers Noire, Egée et Méditerranée, la Turquie possède des frontières avec l'Arménie, la Géorgie, l'Azerbaïdjan, l'Iran, l'Irak, la Syrie, la Grèce et la Bulgarie.
POPULATION: 67.844.903 habitants, selon le recensement d'octobre 2000, dont quelque 12 millions de Kurdes.
CAPITALE: Ankara.
LANGUE OFFICIELLE: turc.
RELIGION: 99% de musulmans en majorité sunnite et une minorité alévie.
HISTOIRE: Chute de l'Empire ottoman, lors de la Première Guerre mondiale. Après une lutte pour l'indépendance menée par Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, la République turque est proclamée le 29 octobre 1923. Le "Père de tous les Turcs", qui dirige le pays jusqu'en 1938, entreprend de moderniser la Turquie selon six principes dont le nationalisme, la laïcité et l'étatisme.
Le multipartisme est introduit en 1946, mais la vie politique est ensuite marquée par trois coups d'Etat militaires suivis de dures répressions (1960, 1971 et 1980).
SITUATION POLITIQUE : Ahmet Necdet Sezer est président de la République depuis le 5 mai 2000. En 1993, Tansu Ciller (DYP, Parti de la Juste Voie, droite) devient la première femme Premier ministre. Necmettin Erbakan, le chef du parti de la Prospérité Refah, lui succède le 28 juin 1996 et devient le premier chef de gouvernement islamiste. Il démissionne un an plus tard sous la pression de l'armée, qui accuse les islamistes de remettre en cause le caractère laïc de la République. A la tête d'une coalition droite-gauche, Mesut Yilmaz devient Premier ministre le 30 juin 1997 avant d'être destitué par le Parlement en novembre 1998 pour "liens avec la mafia". Bulent Ecevit lui succède le 7 janvier, et redevient Premier ministre à l'issue des élections législatives d'avril 1999 dont son parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) sort vainqueur.
ECONOMIE: Basée sur le textile et l'industrie légère. Le tourisme, avec quelque 10 milliards de dollars de recettes en 2000 pour 12 millions de visiteurs, est l'activité la plus importante du secteur des services, qui représente lui-même plus de la moitié du PNB.
La Turquie est liée à l'Union européenne par un accord d'association signé en 1963. Une union douanière avec l'UE est en vigueur depuis janvier 1996.
La candidature de la Turquie à l'UE, rejetée en 1989, notamment en raison de la situation des droits de l'Homme, a été acceptée le 10 décembre 1999. La Commission européenne n'a toutefois proposé aucune date pour l'ouverture de négociations sur les modalités d'adhésion, malgré les demandes répétées du gouvernement d'Ankara.
PNB/habitant : 2.212 dollars (2001).
DETTE EXTERIEURE: 130 milliards de dollars (projection 2002).
FORCES ARMEES: 609.700 hommes dont 495.000 dans l'armée de
terre,
54.600 dans la marine et 60.100 dans l'armée de l'air (IISS
2000/2001).
La Turquie est membre de l'OTAN depuis 1952. (AFP, 31 octobre 2002)
Chronologie politique depuis les élections législatives 1999
Voici les grandes dates des événements marquants en Turquie depuis les dernières élections législatives en 1999.
1999:
- 18 avril: Elections législatives anticipées
remportées
par le parti de la Gauche démocratique (DSP) du Premier ministre
sortant Bulent Ecevit. Le parti ultranationaliste de l'Action
nationaliste
(MHP) réalise une percée importante.
- 3 mai: M. Ecevit est chargé de former le nouveau gouvernement.
- 9 juin: La coalition gouvernementale regroupant le DSP, le MHP et
le parti de la Mère patrie (ANAP, centre-droit) de Mesut Yilmaz
obtient la confiance du parlement.
- 25 juin: Le parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) déclare
qu'il veut mettre fin à la guerre avec l'Etat turc, suite aux
appels
à la paix de son chef emprisonné Abdullah Ocalan.
- 29 juin: Abdullah Ocalan est condamné à mort pour
trahison
séparatisme.
- 17 août - Un violent séisme fait près de 20.000
morts dans le nord-ouest.
- 12 novembre: Un nouveau séisme dans le nord-ouest fait un
millier de victimes.
10 décembre: La Turquie obtient le statut de candidat à
l'Union européenne au sommet d'Helsinki
2000:
- 5 mai: Le chef de la Cour constitutionnelle Ahmet Necdet Sezer est
élu président de la République par le parlement.
19 décembre: Un assaut des forces de sécurité
contre des prison pour arrêter une grève de faim fait 32
morts,
dont 4 gendarmes.
2001:
- 22 février: La Turquie dévalue sa monnaie pour enrayer
une grave crise économique liée à une querelle
politique.
- 2 mars: Le gouvernement turc confie le portefeuille économique
à un ancien responsable de la Banque mondiale, Kemal Dervis
- 17 avril: Le gouvernement turc présente un programme de
réformes
pour sortir le pays de la récession.
22 juin: La Cour constitutionnelle interdit pour "activités
anti-laïques" le parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet),
troisième
force politique du pays.
2002:
-4 mai: M. Ecevit, 77 ans, est hospitalisé, officiellement pour
une infection intestinale. Il sera absent de la vie politique pendant
plusieurs
mois, ce qui engendre une crise politique.
- 8 juillet: Début d'une avalanche de démissions du parti
d'Ecevit.
- 31 juillet: Le Parlement fixe au 3 novembre la date des
élections
anticipées.
- 3 août: La Turquie adopte un vaste éventail de
réformes
--abolition de la peine de mort en temps de paix et droits culturels
pour
les Kurdes-- pour s'aligner sur les normes européennes. (AFP, 30
octobre 2002)
Favori aux législatives, l'AK désignera son Premier ministre après le scrutin
Donné gagnant aux législatives de dimanche, le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK, pro-islamiste) est confronté à un casse-tête majeur à trois jours du scrutin: il n'a pas de candidat au poste de Premier ministre du fait de la situation juridique de son chef, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Le parti a annoncé que la sélection de son candidat, qui serait éventuellement chargé par le président de la République Ahmet Necdet Sezer de former le prochain gouvernement, sera faite le 4 novembre, au lendemain des élections anticipées.
Mais cette situation sans précédent en Turquie a
provoqué
une réaction du chef de l'Etat qui a affirmé mardi qu'il
n'accepterait pas de se laisser dicter son choix, à l'issue du
scrutin,
par M. Erdogan.
Ce dernier a été déclaré
inéligible
en raison d'une décision de la Justice et ne peut donc devenir
Premier
ministre car ce dernier doit aussi être député,
selon
la Constitution.
M. Erdogan, qui dirige la campagne de son parti, dont l'ascension est due en grande partie à son charisme, a refusé jusqu'à présent de quitter la présidence de l'AK, comme la justice semble l'exiger en raison de sa condamnation pour propagande islamiste en 1998.
Plusieurs candidats sont en lice, selon la presse, pour succéder à M. Erdogan qui pourrait cependant continuer à diriger son parti en coulisse.
Abdullah Gul, l'un des théoriciens du parti, dont il est un vice-président, semble le mieux placé pour être désigné au poste de Premier ministre, selon la presse.
Connu pour son sérieux, M. Gul est un ancien ministre d'Etat, responsable des relations extérieures dans le gouvernement du Premier ministre islamiste Necmettin Erbakan, qui a dû quitter son poste en juin 1997 à la suite des pressions de la société laïque et de l'armée.
Le fait que son épouse porte le voile islamique, à l'instar de l'épouse de M. Erdogan, pourrait cependant nuire à ses chances. Mme Gul serait en effet automatiquement bannie des invitations officielles, le port du voile étant interdit dans les institutions publiques car considéré comme un défi aux principes laïques du régime.
Un autre candidat serait l'ancien président de la Cour de comptes, Vecdi Gonul. Considéré comme un modéré du parti, M. Gonul, dont la femme ne porte pas le voile, est un ami de longue date du chef de l'Etat, rapporte jeudi le journal à gros tirage Hurriyet.
Il est de tradition en Turquie que le chef de l'Etat charge le chef du parti ayant remporté le plus de sièges au Parlement de former un gouvernement, mais ce n'est pas une obligation constitutionnelle.
Aussi M. Sezer pourrait-il choisir un candidat, autre que celui présenté par la direction du parti, pour former le gouvernement, au risque de provoquer une crise politique, selon les analystes.
"Dans les régimes parlementaires, le président ne peut désigner le Premier ministre sans tenir compte du choix du candidat fait par le premier parti (issu du scrutin). S'il le fait, il provoque une crise", a ainsi mis en garde un éditorialiste du journal libéral Milliyet.
La Cour constitutionnelle, pour sa part, devait se réunir vendredi pour étudier une demande du procureur de la Cour de cassation, Sabih Kanadoglu, visant à ordonner la suspension de M. Erdogan de son poste de président du parti.
Le procureur a demandé cette mesure conservatoire dans
l'attente
d'une décision de la cour invitée à se prononcer
à
plus long terme, sur une procédure d'interdiction du parti. La
raison
invoquée par le procureur pour cette seconde procédure
résulte
du refus de M. Erdogan de se démettre de son poste de dirigeant
de parti. (AFP, 31 octobre 2002)
International missions to observe Nov.3 elections
Turkey has agreed to have international observers for the Nov. 3 elections, Human Rights Watch said Monday. "On the invitation of the Turkish government, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe were expected to send their first-ever election observation missions to Turkey this week," Human Rights Watch said in a statement.
The decision to accept foreign observers comes at a time when Turkey is under increasing pressure from the European Union to observe democratic rules and improve its human rights record, marred with allegations of torture and abuse of power by the police force. Turkey is hoping to one day to join the European Union.
Jonathan Sugden, an official from Human Rights Watch said there have been some allegations of elections abuse in Turkey in the past, such as detaining Kurdish activists to prevent them from voting or forcing people to cast their votes in open. He said he saw burnt voting ballots after the last elections in 1999.
Elizabeth Andersen, welcomed the Turkish government decision, saying security forces have threatened villagers in the mainly Kurdish southeast against voting for pro-Kurdish party DEHAP.
"International monitoring of this year's election is clearly warranted," said Andersen. "We hope that the presence of the Council of Europe and the OSCE will help ensure that they are free and fair."
According to a statement made by Human Rights Watch (HRW), Turkey's November 3 parliamentary elections pose an important test of progress made since the 1999 elections marred by serious irregularities. Releasing a background on Turkey's recent election record HRW welcomed Turkey's recent acceptance of international election monitors as a positive step that could help curb past abuses.
"The presence of these international observers at the elections is a welcome step. Reports of abuse during the 1999 elections and in the run-up to this year's vote make clear that independent monitoring is needed. We hope that Turkish officials will give the monitors full cooperation," said Andersen.
On the invitation of the Turkish government, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) were expected to send their first-ever election observation missions to Turkey this week. The high-stakes elections come just one month before an expected European Union decision on whether it is ready to set a date for membership negotiations with Turkey. Human rights and political freedoms have been a key stumbling block to Turkey's membership in the Union.
A HRW election background published on Monday details problems with the 1999 elections and identifies a number of political rights violations and threats of violations that cloud the campaign phase of the current elections, including:
threats of closure of the mainly Kurdish Rights and Freedoms Party (Hak-Par) and People's Democracy Party (HADEP);
the right to stand for election denied to three former party leaders-of the Socialist Democrat Party, HADEP, and Welfare- as well as of the current leader of the Justice and Development Party, due to criminal convictions they received for the expression of nonviolent opinion;
threats against and detention of representatives of the Turkish Communist Party and the Freedom and Solidarity Party for attempting to hang posters;
detention of candidates of Hak-Par and the mainly Kurdish Democratic People's Party (DEHAP)- formed by former HADEP members and members of the Labor Party and the Socialist Democrat Party; and intimidation by security forces of villagers in the southeast, warning them not to vote for DEHAP.
The 1999 elections were marred by reports of abuses by police, security forces, and local government officials, who sought to influence the outcome of the vote through arbitrary arrests, threats, intimidation, confiscation of election material, and exclusion of party representatives from villages where they were engaging in campaign activities.
In 1999, there were also serious reports that the ballots themselves had been tampered with. Human Rights Watch was shown examples of partially burned ballot papers, cast for HADEP, that children had found while playing in the town garbage dump in the days after the election. HADEP officials alleged that the ballots had been taken from ballot boxes and destroyed. A picture of one of the burned ballots is available on Human Rights Watch's website.
A Human Rights Watch delegation is also in Turkey to document
events
over the election period. They will hold a press conference marking the
release of a new Human Rights Watch report, Displaced and Disregarded:
Turkey's Failing Village Return Program, which describes the plight of
those displaced by the fifteen-year conflict in the southeast and the
persistent
obstacles to their return. (Turkish Daily News, October 30, 2002)
Le dernier-né des partis pro-kurdes participera aux élections: DEHAP
Le DEHAP, dernier-né d'une lignée de partis pro-kurdes, participera aux élections législatives du 3 novembre en Turquie, le haut conseil électoral ayant rejeté un recours visant à l'écarter du scrutin.
Le premier procureur du pays, Sabih Kanadoglu, qui avait demandé cette mise à l'écart, est toutefois revenu à la charge mercredi, réclamant cette fois l'ouverture d'une enquête criminelle pour usage de faux contre des dirigeants du parti.
Une telle enquête ne remettrait cependant pas en cause la participation du DEHAP aux élections.
M. Kanadoglu accuse les dirigeants du parti d'avoir trompé les autorités quant au nombre de leurs permanences politiques ouvertes dans le pays.
Selon le procureur, ce parti n'est implanté que dans six des 81 provinces du pays alors qu'il devrait être représenté dans plus de 50% d'entre elles.
Le DEHAP (parti démocratique du peuple) est le seul parti pro-kurdes à se présenter aux élections.
Un second parti, le HADEP (parti de la démocratie du peuple), accusé de collusion avec le groupe rebelle PKK et qui craignait d'être interdit, s'est auto-dissous le mois dernier et a rallié le DEHAP.
Deux autres petits partis de gauche ont également rallié le DEHAP.
Une mise à l'écart du parti aurait eu de vives répercussions en Europe où la Commission Européenne vient de critiquer une autre décision du haut conseil électoral, interdisant à Recep Tayyip Erdogan, le dirigeant du parti pro-islamiste de la Justice et du Développement (AK), donné comme gagnant probable du scrutin, de participer aux élections.
Un candidat du DEHAP, responsable régional à Diyarbakir, Firat Anli, avait estimé qu'une interdiction faite au parti de se présenter aux élections risquait de raviver les tensions dans le sud-est du pays.
Un conflit entre rebelles séparatistes kurdes et armée a fait quelque 36.000 morts dans le sud-est anatolien entre 1984 et 1999.
Le DEHAP est aujourd'hui crédité de 5 à 7% des intentions de vote, soit moins que le seuil de 10% nécessaire pour obtenir des sièges au parlement.
Aucun parti pro-kurdes n'a d'ailleurs encore réussi un tel exploit.
Mais "la montée du parti dans les sondages et le fait qu'il pourrait franchir les 10% inquiètent les autorités", selon Osman Baydemir, un candidat du DEHAP aux élections de Diyarbakir (sud-est).
Le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit a d'ailleurs récemment mis en garde contre "de graves problèmes de régime" en cas de succès électoraux des pro-kurdes et du parti pro-islamiste AK.
Une vingtaine de membres du HADEP, dont son président
Murat Bozlak,
et l'ancien président de l'Association turque des droits de
l'Homme
Akin Birdal, ont d'ores et déjà été
déclarés
inéligibles par la justice en raison de leur casier judiciaire.
(AFP, 16 octobre 2002)
Un procureur traque le parti pro-kurde DEHAP et réclame une enquête
Le procureur de la Cour de cassation Sabih Kanadoglu a demandé mercredi l'ouverture d'une enquête criminelle pour usage de faux contre des dirigeants du parti pro-kurde DEHAP, qui a obtenu un feu vert des autorités pour participer aux législatives du 3 novembre.
M. Kanadoglu, premier procureur du pays, demande au parquet d'Ankara une enquête sur des responsables du parti démocratique Peuple pour "usage de faux dans des documents officiels", concernant son implantation à travers le pays, selon une déclaration écrite, citée par l'agence Anatolie.
Le haut conseil électoral turc (YSK) a décidé mardi à l'unanimité de rejeter un autre recours de M. Kanadoglu visant à empêcher la participation du DEHAP aux élections législatives anticipées du 3 novembre
M. Kanadoglu avait en effet saisi le YSK pour tenter d'écarter le DEHAP, seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections, du scrutin, estimant qu'il ne remplissait pas les critères d'implantation nationale nécessaires pour se présenter aux élections.
Dans sa déclaration, le procureur accuse les dirigeants du DEHAP d'avoir trompé les autorités, soulignant que leur parti ne n'est implanté que dans six des 81 provinces du pays, ce qui reste très en dessous du seuil des 41 provinces dans lesquelles un parti politique doit avoir établi un siège régional pour participer aux législatives.
Ce recours ne remettra pas en cause la participation du parti
aux législatives.
(AFP, 16 octobre 2002)
DEHAP meeting in Istanbul attracted half a million people
People in yellow-red-and-green attires decorated the square with bright colors. DEHAP organized a meeting in Eyup, Istanbul. The meeting was attended by about 500 thousand people. The meeting began by lighting two big torches, symbol of the party. The meeting place was decorated by DEHAP posters, balloons and signs. There were gigantic banners on which "We are marching toward power for permanent peace, full democracy, justice and peace" and "Votes for DEHAP for a democratic life". There were also banners on which "Women to the Parliament", "Wait for us, Istanbul", "Biji Azadiye Jinan" and "Free Turk, Free Kurd, Free Turkey".
When the torches were lighted with an announcement "We will lighten the darkness of Turkey" thousands of people chanted slogans "Biji DEHAP" and "DEHAP marches towards power". The meeting began with songs of the group Kardes Turkuler. All the crowd sang with the group who said "Our songs are for peace and brotherhood" in Turkish and Kurdish. The meeting was attended by former EMEP Chairman Levent Tuzel, former SDP Chairman Akin Birdal, HADEP Deputy Chairman Ahmet Turan Demir, MKM Chairman Zubeyir Perihan, DEHAP candidates Pinar Selek, Mihri Belli, Pervin Buldan, Hasip Kaplan, journalist Celal Baslangic and novelist Vedat Turkali.
Giving the first talk, Levent Tuzel attacked on the other political parties. Stressing that Ciller wanted to rule the country with the help of gangs, Tuzel continued to say the following: "Every one but most especially women must be watchful against her who is responsible for the killings by unknown perpetrators. Do not forget those who say 'Either love it or leave it'. There is also tough guy from Kasimpasa who has immediately become a democrat when his party was closed down but does not recognize the right to education in mother tongue. Come and throw all these parties ruling for 40 years to the garbage of history. We have seen our future and come together as Turks, Kurds, Alaouites, Sunnis. Let's peace win on November 4, let's democracy win."
Following Tuzel, Akin Birdal addressed to the crowds, saying: "DEHAP's torch is coming by uniting religions, cultures and languages. We have already among us Ahmet Kaya, Nazim Hikmet, Yilmaz Guney, Vedat Aydin." At this point the masses began chanted the slogan "Sehid Namirin". Birdal, referring to the meeting of ODP in Kadikoy, stated the following words: "We both demand freedom, peace and democracy. Then why are we making separate meetings in different parts of Istanbul. Come my brothers and sisters from ODP, come and get together under DEHAP torch on November 3."
Ahmet Turan Demir, for his part, said, "We have come here to this crowd, to this day by doing a hard job with pitifully inadequate means, by knitting loop after loop. I greet my friends who have succeeded to take our struggle to this point."
Addressing lastly, writer Vedat Turkali stated that DEHAP would rescue Turkey from IMF's prescriptions, its oppression and tyranny. During his talk the masses chanted slogans "Biji Azadi -Long Live Peace" and "Long Live Brotherhood of Peoples".
The meeting place was under strict control of police forces with panzers. Police forces did not enter into the place but controlled from a distance.
After the talks, the meeting ended with songs of groups Koma
Agire Jiyan
and Mogollar. (Kurdish Observer, Oct 28, 2002)
The meaning of the DEHAP's Istanbul meeting
All predictions and polls show that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Republican People's Party (CHP) will pass the threshold in the November 3 elections.
In these polls there is a common prediction that the True Path Party (DYP) and perhaps the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Young Party (GP) can force the threshold, but it is not clear whether these two parties can pass the threshold. Thus, one can come across very interesting and surprising results.
For example, the possibility of Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) entering the parliament and becoming the main opposition party.
Can such a thing happen? Why not? This is Turkey after all!
Let us assume that the AKP and the CHP built a coalition after the elections, as it is known Erdogan and Baykal gave messages that they were ready to form a coalition as a result of domestic and international expectations. In such a case, imagine that DEHAP is the 3rd party to enter the parliament. Won't DEHAP, which is mostly composed of Kurds, be the main opposition party? What an interesting scenario, isn't it?
The yesterday meeting of DEHAP has strengthen my idea which was always in my mind but failed to express for a long time. This meeting is regarded as the biggest among all meetings since the electoral propaganda activities started. Let us put the official 200,000 and organizer's 400,000 a side and talk about some hundred thousand people. There must be a meaning of this huge crowd where nowadays gathering 10,000 people is seen as a big success in this election and propaganda era.
Despite the fact that they don't have a charismatic leader, strong and experienced party organizations and media sup-port, there is a great excitement of elections and a strong wish for representation in the parliament among millions of Kurds. Furthermore, they are all focused on a specific purpose, putting all the paradoxes and differences a side. Their purpose is to be the equal citizens of this country and to be represented in the parliament as a proof of the Kurdish identity. In spite of those who don't want to acknowledge this reality, they want to achieve it by democratic means be accepted as the founding partner of the republic and the inevitable part of this country, both in legal and political as-pects. For these reasons, supporters of the DEHAP Alliance seem excited and determined against the reluctant and indifferent supporters of other parties.
For these reasons, despite being out of this alliance some wise and clever intellectuals have declared by a common declaration that DEHAP entering the parliament will be very useful to the country. They are saying "You don't need to be a DEHAP member to vote for DEHAP". I agree with this, you don't need to be a DEHAP member or a Kurd to vote for DEHAP. It is enough to be from Turkey.
In my opinion, the main problem of Turkey is that people of Turkey who have differences couldn't have this difference acknowledged and couldn't be represented in state organs and in the parliament. Now, because of the mentioned rea-sons, it is important that DEHAP will break the chains in spite of the 10 % threshold.
Let's come back to DEHAP's Istanbul Meeting which consisted of great messages; I suppose there hasn't been such a meeting held in Istanbul squares since 1980 coup.
It is very important to evaluate this meeting of hundreds thousands of people most of whom came together not in Di-yarbakir but in Istanbul. This meeting shows the unity of Diyarbakir and Istanbul, South East and West of Turkey. It's also possible to see this excitement and determination of Kurds as an indicator of their wish to take part in the parlia-mentarian system and have a word in the country's administration. This determination also provides an important op-portunity for Turkey to solve the Kurdish Question together with the Kurds. The crowds of DEHAP are conveying mes-sages not only to people of Turkey and those who arbitrary ruled this country according to their own wishes by denying all diversities and different identities, but also to Europeans and Western countries as well.
Turkey, can prepare in a more determined way with its Kurdish citizens. A parliament with DEHAP, can shorten the distance which Turkey will take in the full membership of the European Union. And the most important of all; a Turkey who brings consensus in-stead of tensions and problems and who respects its people's Islamic sensitivities and Kurds' own diversities and cul-ture can use its sources to welfare rather than "security". Instead of prohibition and a fear the state can be a "law state" that respects and does not interfere in the diversities and identities of its citizens. An important process can begin in Turkey with its parliament where the Kurds are also represented.
Although, I might be criticized because of these opinions, this
is what
I think. (Koray Duzgoren, Yeni Safak, October 28, 2002)
Many Intellectuals Support the DEHAP
Many intellectuals among them Yasar Kemal, Vedat Turkali, Murathan Mungan, Celal Baslangic, Edip Akbayram, Murat Celikkan, Perihan Magden, Sanar Yurdatapan called for support to Democratic People's Party DEHAP, by a common declaration: "You don't need to be a DEHAP member to vote for DEHAP"
The intellectuals, writers, musicians, artists and human rights activists who organized a reception in Istanbul yesterday titled "YOU DON'T NEED TO BE DEHAP MEMBER TO VOTE FOR DEHAP" declared that they would vote for DEHAP because they support the notions of labour, peace and democracy and called people to vote for DEHAP.
The intellectuals replied the question "Why DEHAP? as follows: People who fix their eyes on our bread, attack our freedoms are coming and asking for our votes. In their Turkey, there is more unemployment; more taxes, more poverty and higher inflation and more oppression than anywhere else. In their Turkey, there is less freedom for workers, intellectuals, artists, and writers but also for all peoples of the country than anywhere else. Because, in their Turkey, there is slavery to the IMF and worship of war.
Against, their "Dark Turkey"; we want to rise our voices in this elections for an "Enlightened Turkey", which is in favour of labour, peace and democracy. Against the blusterers of darkness, we want to shout out for a better future. For this reason, in November the 3rd elections, we are supporting DEHAP, who obtained the largest alliance with the left, by forming the "Labour, Peace and Democracy Block" and gave place to the (Kurdish) patriots, democrats, revolutionists and socialist candidates in its list. We believe that you don't need to be a DEHAP member to support DEHAP. We invite the people who are in favour of labour, freedom and a democracy without any lies, to destroy the prohibitions of this "virtual democracy". For the sake of labour, peace and for the future of democracy, we are saying, "My Vote is for DEHAP".
The famous writer Vedat Turkali, who held the opening speech, told the guests why he would vote for DEHAP and why he wants people to vote for DEHAP too, with a short story. "A general goes to the East (Kurdish Regions), he sees a villager on a mountain and asks him: Who are you? I am Kurdish, the villager answers. The General says, come here and I tell you why you are Turkish, and asks the question one more time, and receives the answer, I am Turkish, through force from the villager. Turkali went on as follows after the short story; "I am voting for DEHAP, to not let people like the feudal pashas (generals) and aghas (feudal landlords) force people to say I am Turkish because I want freedom for everybody living in these lands. I am not a DEHAP member; but when the candidates of DEHAP enter the parliament, they will be the honourable MPs who will defend the rights of the working peoples'. My heart is with them. Let your hearts be with them too".
The famous journalist and writer Celal Baslangic, who made an effort to bring intelectuals together stated, "despite all the deficiencies we present our support for DEHAP for obtaining an alliance with the left, being the closest party to the threshold and the most importantly, for struggling for the representation of the Kurds in the parliament". Baslangic said that their support for DEHAP was a proffesional obligation because all the newspapers and TV channels in Turkey had closed their doors to this party. Baslangic went on, "DEHAP is the sole party which expresses the aspirations of artists, writers, journalists through its Election Declaration. Therefore I invite everybody who supports democracy to stand with DEHAP.
The world famous writer Yasar Kemal expressed his feelings through a written statement, "I find this a very important development and I support the people who are coming together for democracy, peace and labour. I believe that to take this unity into the parliament will overcome the political chaos and will strengthen the culture of consensus."
Former Chairman of the Human Rights Association ( IHD ) and the banned DEHAP candidate Akin Birdal made a speech on behalf of DEHAP during the reception. Birdal stated that they were very pleased for the support of intellectulas, writers and artists and added, "we don't have a threshold problem, our aim is to recieve 13-14 % of the votes in the elections.
The chairman of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP), Murat Bozlak, stressed that the support of the intellectuals is very meaningful but not surprising. Bozlak noted that everyone who believes in freedom, peace and democracy shold take his place in the elections and today these intellectuals showed their stance. Bozlak thanked the intellectulas for their suppport.
The famous writer and poet Murathan Mungan said, "Everybody in Turkey thinks that being from Mardin means voting for DEHAP, that is not true. I am voting for DEHAP because I am from Turkey and I am against discrimination. I will vote for DEHAP for the suffered pain and price paid."
WHO SIGNED THE DECLARATION
Arif Damar (Poet) Asli Erdogan (Writer) Ast. Prof. Fuat Ercan
(Acedemician)
Ast. Prof. Gulhan Turkmen (Acedemician) Ast. Prof. Kurtar Tanyilmaz
(Academician)
Ast. Prof. Mehmet Turkay (Acedemician) Aytaç Arman (Actor) Berat
Gunçikan (Journalist) Cahit Berkay (Musician From Mongolians)
Canol
Kocagoz (Caricaturist) Celal Baslangiç (Journalist And Writer)
Celaleddin
Yoyler (Writer) Cengiz Bektas (Poet) Cezmi Ersoz (Writer) Cihat Aral
(Painter)
Cuma Boynukara (Writer) Deniz Türkali (Artist) Derya Alabora
(Theater
Actress) Efkan Cecen (Musician) Engin Yorukoglu (Musician) Esber
Yagmurdereli
(Human Right Activist) Fatos Güney (President Of Yilmaz Guney
Foundation)
Ferhat Tunç (Musician) Figen Genc (Musician) Firat Baskale
(Musician)
Group Kardes Turkuler (Music Group) Gül Selçuk (Journalist)
Guler Kazmaci (Journalist) Gulsen Tuncer (Theater Actress) Gulten Kaya
(Music Director- Wife Of Ahmet Kaya) Haluk Levent (Musician) Hilmi
Yarayici
(Musician) Huseyin Karabey (Director) Huseyin Kuzu (Scenerasit) Ilkay
Akkaya
(Musician) Iskender Savasir (Writer) Ismail Gulgec (Caricaturist)
Julide
Kural (Theater Actress) Kazim Koyuncu (Musician) Mehmet Cagcag
(Caricaturist)
Mehmet Uzun (Writer) Menderes Samanc?lar (Actor) Metin Kahraman
(Musician)
Muammer Ketencioglu (Musician) Muge Iplikci (Writer) Murat Celikkan
(Journaist-
Writer) Murathan Mungan (Poet- Writer) Mustafa Koz (Poet) Nail Satligan
(Acedamician) Nebil Ozgenturk (Film Producer) Necmiye Alpay
(Journalist)
Nejat Yavasogullari (Musician) Nevhiz Tanyeli (Painter) Nilüfer
Akbal
(Musician) Nur Surer (Actress) Orhan Iyiler (Writer) Perihan Magden
(Journalist-
Yazar) Prof. Dr. Sahika Yuksel (Academician) Ragip Duran (Media Critic-
Writer) Rahmi Saltuk (Musician) Ramize Erer (Caricaturist) Roni
Margulgez
(Poet) Sanar Yurdatapan (Human Rights Activist) Senol Horozlu (Painter)
Servet Kocakaya (Musician) Suavi (Musicin) Suna Aras (Poet) Sunay Akin
(Poet) Suzan Samanci (Writer) Taner Ingür (Musician) Tuncay Akgun
(Caricaturist) Vedat Türkali (Writer) Veysel Atayman (Writer-
Translator)
Yasar Kurt (Musician) Yildirim Turker (Writer) Yusuf Kurcenli (Film
Director)
Zehra Aral (Painter) Zeki Coskun (Journalist) Yasar Kemal (Writer)
(KurdishMedia,
28 October 2002)
Appeal against pressure on DEHAP's electoral campaign
Kurdistan National Congress (KNK) today issued the following appeal for observers at general elections in Turkey:
"As you know, parliamentary elections will be held in Turkey on November 3, 2002. This election is of great importance for the people of Turkey because the future of the democracy in this country depends on it. Unfortunately, nationalist members of the coalition do not want the elections to be realized in a free environment. As you will see in the report below, DEHAP, the party that is close to Kurds, is subjected to oppressive treatment. Under the current circumstances, there are high risks that the people will not be able to express their own volition in the elections.
We hope that a commission from your organization could go to the Kurdish areas during the elections to support democracy. We do not think that it is necessary to send commissions to Istanbul or Ankara since many foreign missions, journalists and international organizations are already present in these cities. We are concerned that if your commission visited only the western cities and prepared its reports in that regard, the election process would not be objectively and comprehensively recorded, and the whole truth would not be reported.
Civil Rights Violation against HADEP and Obstacles before Elections
As with all elections, at the time of this year’s elections, too, there is an increased pressure on HADEP.
- In the Ambar Municipality of the City of Bismil, Province of Amed, the HADEP Managers Hakki Ak and M. Halim Ozcinar have been tortured at the Gendarmerie Station and pressured into leaving their Party. HADEP members, who were declared “unable to work for three days” by doctor’s report, pressed charges against the Gendarmerie Station Commander of Ambar.
Aug 23, 2002 - Nedim Bicer, HADEP Executive at Bismil, said that the arbitrary treatment of the HADEP members by the Ambar Gendarmerie Station had been going on for a long time. Bicer reminded that the two Managers were tortured while under custody and attested by the Medical Jurisprudent as “unable to work for three days”, and stated that the incident was not limited to this. Bicer expressed that the tension increased after charges were pressed against the Gendarmerie Commander and said, “The other day we wanted to hang HADEP’s name-plate. The soldiers did not let us do it.”
Aug 23, 2002 - In Mersin, Governor Akif Tig discharged 4 more muhtars (district manager) from office in addition to the previous 27 muhtars, who were claimed to have registered “fake voters”. Fehmi Ozturk, the President of the Ulusal Muhtariyet Partisi (National Autonomy Party), strongly reacted to this incident and said, “The State is worried about the oncoming elections. And the Government’s arm in Mersin is the Governor.” The 27 predominantly Kurdish districts’ muhtars, who allegedly registered fake voters and have been discharged from office by the Mersin Governor Akif Tig, demanded that the allegations be proved.
- On August 24, within the scope of the military operations on the countryside of the city of Karakocan, the soldiers went to the Pamuklu and Tas villages and warned the villagers saying, “The terrorists are coming and asking for your votes. Do not vote for them.” It was reported that a high rank officer of the military unit in the operation told the villagers, “Do not vote for HADEP; vote for AKP.”
- It has been discovered that the Golyuzu Village Manager Ahmet Baksi did not register the voters in the Cevirme Pasture, which is under his jurisdiction, for the last two elections because they supported HADEP.
- Mahfuz Atabay, who recently became the president of HADEP at Eruh, talked about his bitter experiences with the police and the military as follows: “Since the day our new management took office, we have been summoned and questioned by the Police Department, Central [Gendarmerie] Station, and the City Battalion Commandership. Each time [when we were there], we were told to leave the Party. And last, the Battalion Commander summoned each of our managers separately and threatened us so that we quit. He said, ‘If you open a HADEP office here, I am not responsible for what will happen.’”
- The children with the names Mikail A. (12), Mustafa A. (12), Cengiz Y. (13), and Hasan G. (10), who had been taken into custody by the police, said that they were tortured while in police custody. They have been reported to the Districts Attorney’s Office for an arrest warrant on August 23 and were then released by the District Attorney’s Office. The children said, “The police wanted us to say that Yilmaz Yigit, the Director of the HADEP Youth Section at Sehitkamil, led us.”
- Mecit Sezgin, the member of the Board of Directors of HADEP at Sahinbey, in the province of Antep, has been taken into custody. The counter-terrorism units of the Antep Police Department raided Mecit Sezgin’s house in the Aydinlar District and took him into custody without giving any reason.
- In Gecitli Municipality of Hakkari, where HADEP’s village commission visited, six voters have been arrested.
- Sebahat Kizilkaya, member of the HADEP Women’s Section at Bagcilar, was assisting the illiterate people, who applied to the district manager’s office for their voter registration for the elections on November 3. Ms. Kizilkaya said that the HADEP Executive at Bagcilar Abdurrahman Karakas and she went to the Bagcilar District Manager’s Office, and while they were waiting outside the Office, the police came and arrested them. They then have been taken to the Bagcilar Police Department.
Sept 6, 2002 - Sabahattin Varhan started his activities to establish the HADEP organization at the Municipality of Yaygin 10 months ago. He said that he has been threatened by the Command Sergeant Major Mehmet Karadere of the Yaygin Gendarmerie Station. CSM Karadere said to him, “You cannot establish HADEP here. If you do, then pity for your children. Even if you did it legally, and the President and the General Staff gave permission, I will not allow it. I am the law here; I will not let you breath.” Varhan expressed that his whole family was under oppression and he worried for his life.
- In Marmaris, the police raided several houses and arrested Mehmet Simsek, HADEP Executive at Mugla, Ozgur Simsek, Ramazan Ozpolat, HADEP Executive at Marmaris, Raize Ivdil, employee of Ozgur Kadin periodical, Gaffar Oyabakan, the businessman Mehmet Yigit, Mehmet Ozpolat, and another person named Kerem, whose last name was unknown, on a charge of “selling illegal books”. The President of the IHD (Human Rights Association) at Aydin, Suleyman Mutlu, reported that the persons who were taken into custody are kept at the Marmaris Police Department.
- HADEP at Sirnak reported in a written statement that Gendarmerie Station Commander confiscated all transportation vehicles in the village, and the reason was that HADEP came out as the first party in the village. The statement said, “The villagers were threatened that if they voted for HADEP, the entries to the village and departure from it would be forbidden, and they would not be allowed to take their live stock outside the village. These threats must stop. We believe that every person’s right to vote must be respected, and we appeal to the public to be sensible.” The Gendarmerie Station Commander, who confiscated the vehicles, questioned the villagers on the whereabouts of the youth of the village, and pressured them because they voted for HADEP at the ‘95 and ‘99 elections. He gathered specifically the elderly at the village center and tormented them by keeping them in the sun for hours. He told the villagers that he would apply other methods if there were a single vote for HADEP from this village at the oncoming elections.
- Major General Yavuz Ozturk, Sirnak 23rd Division, announced his candidature with the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) at Sirnak for the parliamentary election. Charges had been pressed against MG Yavuz Ozturk for preventing HADEP from its activities in the province of Sirnak and its cities, and being responsible for the disappearance of the President Serdar Tanis and the Secretary Ebubekir Deniz of HADEP at Silopi. MG Yavuz Ozturk did not wait for the verdict of the Military Council of August 30 and quit his post. He became a candidate of the MHP and is reportedly on top of the MHP list from Sirnak.
- On 28 August 2002, Mehmet Besir Akay, whose brother is the president of HADEP in his city, was summoned to the Seyitoglu Gas Station by the Midyat Gendarmerie Station Commander Yakup [last name unknown]. The HADEP President Akay talked about the incident, “The Station Commander told my brother that I must leave HADEP, and threatened him that he would do awful things, and said, ‘I will not let you be here.’ He even got physical. When I learned about this incident, I exercised my right as a citizen and pressed charges against him at the State Prosecutor’s Office. I demanded that the Station Commander be charged with abusing authority and making threats. However, the threats and the oppression became more intense.”
Sept 11, 2002 - Captain Adnan Ulucecen has been appointed to the post of Company Commander at Pertek one and a half months ago, and the first thing he did was to organize a meeting, where the City Administrator Abdullah Demirci and 34 muhtars (district managers) were present. It was reported that Captain Ulucecen advised district managers on the elections and claimed that there were TIKKO and KADEK groups in the region, and said, “They might run activities to make people vote in the direction they want or prevent people from other ways. Don’t believe them under pressure. Let us know when they come.” Ulucecen meant HADEP when he said, “I am not giving a party name. Don’t vote for terrorist parties. Influence people who would vote for them, don’t let them do so. Those who vote for these parties are also terrorists and traitors. Later when the results are out, we will determine who voted for them.” Ulucecen told the district managers at this meeting that he is not making these warnings on his initiative but with the orders from “higher authorities”.
- HADEP’s name was used to publish provocative articles and pictures of the dead village children and the activities, for which PKK was blamed, on the Internet. The General Staff Public Relations Department was named as the web-master of “www.hadep.org”.
Sept 11, 2002 - In Amed, 6 members of the HADEP Youth Section have been arrested when they were leaving the HADEP building at different hours. Sahin Aksahin, Murat Farisogullari, Ismail Kardas, Veysi Akbas, Mahmut Orman, and Mehmet Otenkus were taken into custody without being given any reason and taken to the Diyarbakir Police Department.
- The Justice Minister Aysel Celikel said that an investigation has been started on the lawyers of KADEK President Abdullah Ocalan for abusing their function.
Sept 12, 2002- In Kamisli village of Kovancilar, the soldiers from the Kovancilar Gendarmerie Station gathered the people at the village center and told them, “Do not vote for HADEP. You can vote for any other party except that one.” They reportedly said that they propagandized against HADEP by order of the City Administrator Resul Sir. The former president of HADEP at Kovancilar, Ahmet Yildirim, said that civil rights were violated at the village.
- DEHAP’s landlord Necat Can was summoned to the Police Department and threatened so that he would not rent his property to DEHAP. When Can was not intimidated by the threats, other methods were used against him. His transportation vehicle that carried passengers between Aydinlar and Siirt was subjected to extreme traffic fines. He was often disturbed by the village guards, who came to his house and demanded that he terminated his contract with DEHAP.
- Police Department Terrorism Units claimed that under the leadership of Metin Yalcin, the President of HADEP Youth Section at Avcilar, fake voter registration cards were being issued to Kurds. Metin Yalcin’s house was raided and allegedly numerous ID cards, voter application forms, and voter registration applications were found. The police claimed that the ID cards were gathered from construction workers, and voter application forms were filled with them, which were then sent to the registrar’s office, and almost 500 temporary voter registration documents were received. Furthermore, Yalcin was questioned by the Terrorism Office on grounds of recruiting members for KADEK and was sent to Istanbul State Security Court along with 10 other persons.
- Upon Akin Birdal and Murat Bozlak’s application, the Ankara 10th Central Criminal Court adjudged that their prohibited rights be restored. The State Chief Prosecutor in Ankara appealed against this verdict. The Court of Cassation 9th Penal Chamber overturned the decision of the Ankara 10th Central Criminal Court to restore Birdal and Bozlak’s prohibited rights with the reason of “insufficient investigation”. Now, the Ankara 10th Central Criminal Court must adjudicate again. Birdal and Bozlak’s candidatures in parliamentary elections were on the temporary lists of the YSK (Supreme Election Board). The final decision about Birdal and Bozlak’s candidature will be made by the YSK.
- The Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu sent a notification letter to the YSK (Supreme Election Board) to declare Akin Birdal, SDP President, and Murat Bozlak, HADEP President, who wanted to participate in the elections on DEHAP’s list, ineligible to be elected. Kanadoglu stated in his letter that Birdal and Bozlak’s cases of restoration of prohibited rights has not been finalized yet; therefore, the said persons are not eligible to be elected, and asked the YSK to cancel their candidatures in the parliamentary elections.
- In Bitlis, charges were brought against Ahmet Simsek, who gave his daughter the Kurdish name “Berivan”, and the City Registrar Fahrettin Ates, who processed it; whereas the same name was accepted by the Penal Courts of First Instance in Amed.
- In the Daglica village of Yuksekova, province of Hakkari, the soldiers made threats against the villagers in order for them not to vote for HADEP. The villagers said that Daglica Gendarmerie Station Commander Ali Berber came to the village and carried out threats against them in connection with the elections. Berber visited each house in the village and made statements like “You will be tortured if you vote for HADEP. The Station’s doors will be closed to you.” The villagers expressed their anxiety.
- In Amed, the Hani Company Commander had a meeting with 18 village managers and carried out threats in connection with the elections. The Manager of the Uzanlar village, Haci Adem Yildirim, who participated in the meeting with the Company Commander, remarked that the Commander warned them to be careful about how they vote, and said, “The Commander told us, ‘There was an embargo here before, there was pain. The roads were closed. Entries and departures were not allowed. If you do not want to go back to the situation like in 1992-93, you must know well for which party to vote.’ Beside the village managers, there were 3 village imams.”
- The Constitutional Court accepted the case, which was opened by MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) for the cancellation of some articles of the EU harmonization law. The Constitutional Court Deputy President Hasim Kilic said that the primary investigation for MHP’s application for the cancellation of certain articles of the EU harmonization law was done, and the case is accepted in essence.
- RADIKAL - ANKARA - The investigator of the Constitutional Court announced his report on HADEP, who under the threat of closure decided to participate in the elections under the roof of DEHAP. The investigator wanted that HADEP be banned, because it became a center where activities against the unity of the State with its country and nation were being run. In the report, which were completed last weekend and distributed to the President of the Constitutional Court Mustafa Bumin and the other members, all accusations against HADEP and the trials were evaluated. The investigator was of the opinion that a denial of the [HADEP] ban could not be based merely on the amendments to the Constitution and the Political Parties Law that make the ban of political parties more difficult. The investigator reported that HADEP executives and members were heavily involved in separatist activities which were defined in Article 68/4 of the Constitution, and the party grand assembly, the president, and the executive management accepted this situation. He shared the opinion of the Chief State Prosecutor that in accordance with the Article101-b of the Political Parties Law HADEP be banned. The members of the court are not obligated by the investigator’s report. The final decision will be made by the Constitutional Court.
Sept 18, 2002 - HADEP at Sirnak reported that the City Administrator and the village guard chiefs put pressure on the city election committee in Beytussebap to have the ballot boxes organized by voters’ family names. Thus, the officials would be able to determine which family voted for which party at which ballot box. HADEP, in its written statement, called upon the authorities to put an end to such illegal procedures.
Sept 18, 2002 - In Diyarbakir, the people with highest number of convictions are Osman Baydemir, the branch president of the IHD (Human Rights Association) at Diyarbakir, Ali Urkut, HADEP’s province president, Ali Oncu, Democracy Platform Term Speaker, and Hayrettin Altun, the former branch president of the Egit-Sen (the education union). There are more than 200 cases against these persons.
Sept 19, 2002 - In the city of Catak, Van, where HADEP was preparing to open an office, the oppression on the villagers and the retailers in order for them “not to go to HADEP” is now being applied to the village guards. Musa Sancar, who is a village guard in the central city, was summoned to the Catak Gendarmerie Station and told, “Why are you talking to the people from HADEP? You will not talk to them. Otherwise you will be in trouble.”
Sept 20, 2002 - As reported, YSK (Supreme Election Board) sent a letter to DEHAP and stated that 16 of their candidates were not eligible to participate in the parliamentary elections.
Sept 20, 2002 - The Ministry of the Interior applied to the Council of State for the dismissal of Sahabettin Ozarslaner, the Mayor of Van, from Office, because the Erzurum State Security Court convicted him of a speech he made in Agri in 1998. The Council of State adjudged Ozarslaner to be dismissed from Office.
Sept 20, 2002 - In the Tatlicak Municipality of Nizip, province of Antep, HADEP office was raided, and Manager Burhan Akpinar was arrested.
Sept 20, 2002 - In Mugla, 30 persons, among them DEHAP election candidates, who used a cafeteria as their gathering point before they left for a funeral ceremony, were arrested on grounds of making illegal propaganda.
Sept 21, 2002 - The latest rulings of the YSK (Supreme Election Board) gave “November 3” the status of “the general elections with the most extensive prohibitions since 1983”. According to the new law, old convictions, even if they were cleared from the candidate’s record, will be impediment to one’s candidature. Thus, it has been decided that HADEP former President Murat Bozlak, SDP former President Akin Birdal, AKP President Tayyip Erdogan, and Necmettin Erbakan, the president of the banned Refah Partisi, could not be elected to the parliament. YSK’s decision on Bozlak and Birdal was unanimous, and the decision on Erdogan and Erbakan was made by majority of votes.
Sept 21, 2002 - HADEP President at Pervari, Temer Ozer, reported that the villagers were being pressured into not voting for DEHAP. Ozer noted that the houses of their members in Belenoluk (Hiseta Berispi) village were searched, and said, “On September 16, all village guard chiefs were summoned to the City Gendarmerie Station and warned that there not be votes for HADEP on the countryside. Such undertakings are aimed at obstructing our election success on the countryside.”
Sept 21, 2002 - In Kocakaya, Amed, Adnan Aslan, who was summoned to the Gendarmerie Station, disappeared. In Mus, too, Riza Koc was last seen going home and is nowhere to be found.
Sept 22, 2002 - After the dismissal of Sahabettin Ozarslan, the Mayor of Van, from Office by the verdict of the Council of State, the president of Goc-Der (Association of Immigrants for Self-support and Cultural Activities) at Van, Semsettin Takva, has also been dismissed from his post and membership because of a conviction in a trial 22 years ago.
Sept 22, 2002 - The Internet website “www.habur.net” which is maintained out of Sirnak could not stand long against oppression and had to cancel its “political headlines” and “election survey” sections. The owner of “www.habur.net”, Nurettin Gunes, said that they had to cancel their political news because they lived in a society that has yet not reached a democratic understanding.
Sept 23, 2003 - YSK (Supreme Election Board) prohibited 20 DEHAP candidates, among them HADEP former President Murat Bozlak, and SDP former President Akin Birdal, along with the leader of the banned RP, Necmettin Erbakan, and AKP President Tayyip Erdogan, who had been convicted of Article 312 (related to freedom of thought), from participating in the parliamentary elections. However, it kept the way to the parliament open for criminals, whose names were involved in murder, fraud, and drug trafficking, as in the example of MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) first tier candidate from Diyarbakir, Hidayet Altunakar, who had 8 convictions of “armed menace, issuance of uncovered checks, and document fraud”, and Sedat Bucak, Hazim Babat, and Kamil Atak.
- It came to daylight that MHP’s (Nationalist Movement Party) candidates from many cities were persons, who were involved in crimes before 1980 and were convicted: Adil Gokce (Sirnak 3rd tier), Yilmaz Durak (Erzurum 4th tier), Fatih Mehmet Zorba (Adan 2nd tier), Murat Yalcin (Izmir 1st District 12th tier), Mehmet Agar (Balikesir 5th tier), Sitki Seremetli (Balikesir 3rd tier), Erdem Senocak (Samsun 4th tier), Sahir Solmaz (Eskisehir 2nd tier), Muzaffer Yildiz (Istanbul 1st District 18th tier), Ibrahim Ucar (Istanbul 1st District 14th tier), Ahmet Sari (Kayseri 3rd tier), Necmettin Karakus (Adana 10th tier), Mehmet Bicer (Hatay 6th tier), Yasar Yildirim (Ankara 2nd District 4th tier).
- YSK (Supreme Election Board), who did not allow Murat Bozlak, Akin Birdal, Tayyip Erdogan, and Necmettin Erbakan to participate in the elections, approved the candidatures of Oral Celik, who was convicted of Abdi Ipekci murder, and Bekir Sobaci, who led the FP to its ban, and finally Fadil Akgunduz.
Sept 23, 2002 - In Fethiye, Mugla, 30 persons were arrested. Among those, there were three candidates, who would be participating in the November 3 elections under the roof of DEHAP and the president of HADEP at Mugla.
Sept 23, 2002 - Three shepherds were found dead in the Pozakly´ area of the Harmancik village in Pazarcik. That the three shepherds were killed by the Village Guard Chief Hasan Daglan was testified by Daglan’s own wife. It has been reported that an army lieutenant named Cengiz was involved in the murder.
Sept 23, 2002 - Out of 60 candidates whose candidatures were prohibited 18 are from DEHAP’s list. These are the 18 DEHAP candidates who were not allowed to participate in the elections because they were convicted of TCK Articles 312 and 168, and TMY Articles 5 and 8: Murat Bozlak, Akin Birdal, Ilhan Diker, Ceyhun Akay, Bahattin Gunel, Ali Riza Yurtsever, Filiz Ugur, Savas Karaduman, Kasim Caliskan, Ayla Yildirim, Hamza Karaagac, Bayram Bozkurt, Veysel Turhan, Mehmet Demir, Ismail Hakki Kaderin, A. Menaf Savas, Hasan Dogan, and Ender Imrek.
Oct 1, 2002 - After Bismil, the village guard terror appeared in Yuksekova, Hakkari. In the incident of Bagisli village in Yuksekova, a former village guard Zeki Yoldas, who is also the cousin of the MHP President at Hakkari, killed the former village manager Necip Demir (45) by gunshot.
Oct 1, 2002 - In Catak, Van, the police raided a wedding and arrested Ismail Ayhan, member of the music group Koma Gulen Azad, because he sang songs in Kurdish.
- Hundreds of people, among them Kemal Pekoz and Naif Erol, who gathered to welcome DEHAP’s candidates from Mus, were met with the intervention of the village guards. Erentepe Gendarmerie Station soldiers, too, intervened and arrested DEHAP’s municipality executives Yemlihan Balikci, Nevzat Kesik, and another person whose name could not be determined.
Oct 3, 2002 - The former president of HADEP at Elazig, Mehmet Artan, said that their election campaign activities in Alacakaya and Agin were being obstructed. Artan reported that after HADEP members ran campaign activities in Saraycik village of Agin, the villagers were threatened by the soldiers. Artan said that they conveyed their problems to the Governor of Elazig, Osman Aydin, who told them that he would look into the situation.
Oct 3, 2002 - Even though the YSK (Supreme Election Board) announced DEHAP, which had HADEP, EMEP, and SDP under its roof, among the parties that will take part in the elections, and printed the ballots, there has been a new attempt to leave DEHAP out of the elections. The Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor, Sabih Kanadoglu, sent a written statement to DEHAP saying that the Police Department documented that DEHAP did not have sufficient number of organized centers to participate in the elections, and asked the Party to clarify this situation within 48 hours. DEHAP Secretary General Nurettin Sonmez and Murat Bozlak, whose candidature with DEHAP was vetoed, strongly reacted and called it “illegal oppression”.
Oct 4, 2002 - DEHAP President Mehmet Abbasoglu strongly reacted to the Court of Cassation Prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu, who asked DEHAP for a defense statement, and the Constitutional Court Deputy President Hasim Kilic, who said that there would be a great deal of distress if DEHAP got into the parliament.
Oct 4, 2002 - As reported by local resources, the commander of the Gendarmerie Station at Gecitli village of Hakkari, Lieutenant Tuncay Akgul, threatened the villagers so that they do not vote for DEHAP at the oncoming elections, as he did during the last elections. Lieutenant Akgul told the villagers, “At the last elections, many voters did not vote. This time everybody will vote, and do not let be a vote for DEHAP.”
- In Bayyurdu village of Semdinli, Hakkari, the deputy commander of the Gendarmerie Station, Staff Sergeant Major Baki Karadag, menaced the village guards so that there be no votes for DEHAP, and insulted them and swore at them. SSM Karadag said that he would be at the polls on November 3 and would see who voted for DEHAP.
- Semdinli Deputy Director of Education, Basri Daggol, had a meeting with the substitute teachers, who will work in the villages of Hakkari, and told them, “You are teachers, and you should not be involved in politics. If there is a vote for DEHAP in the village you work, you will be responsible for it.” The teachers reacted to Daggols threats, but then he increased the level of his threats and said, “I think of you. I wouldn’t want your bread to be taken out of your mouth.” He gave them the clear message that they would be fired if there were any votes for HADEP in the villages where they work.
Oct 5, 2002 - In Ercis, after the DEHAP candidates addressed a crowd of 1500 people that were gathered in front of the Party building and left the Party building to travel to Van, the police intervened. They arrested numerous DEHAP members who accompanied the candidates. During the police intervention, it was witnessed that parliamentary candidate Nezahat Ergunes was beaten by the police with club sticks, and other women party members were dragged on the ground. DIHA Correspondent Evin Kuturman wanted to report the incident, but the police confiscated his films, and kept Kuturman in custody for a while.
Oct 5, 2002 - The police intended to impede the opening of the DEHAP party building at Bakirkoy, Istanbul, and caused distress. However, thanks to the calm approach of the DEHAP executives the situation did not turn into a major incident.
Oct 6, 2002 - DEHAP Office at the Municipality of Yurtbasi in Elazig was attacked by an armed perpetrator or perpetrators.
Oct 6, 2002 - Istanbul Police Department recalled the flyers of ODP (Freedom and Solidarity Party), whereas the Province Government of Ankara gave TKP (Turkish Communist Party) permission to organize a meeting with the condition “to be quite”. DEHAP, under whose roof HADEP, EMEP and SP joined forces, is still trying to prove eligibility to participate in the November 3 elections. The Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor, Sabih Kanadoglu, informed DEHAP that according to the data from the Police Department the Party did not satisfy the prerequisite of minimum number of organized centers. And DEHAP returned the diskette, which was sent to them by Kanadoglu and contained the information that DEHAP had organized centers in 63 provinces, back to himself.
Oct 8, 2002 - It was reported that in Osmaniye DEHAP’s flags and posters, which were hung in front of the poll offices, were taken down. Abdullah Aydemir, the former president of HADEP at Osmaniye and the 1st tier candidate from Osmaniye, said that the flags and posters that were hung in front of the poll offices in the districts Cumhuriyet, Karaboyunlu, and Yunus Emre were taken down by the police from the Terrorism Branch Office and the Security Branch Office.
Oct 8, 2002 - The executives of HADEP at Adana allegedly violated Demonstration Law Article 2911 and had to testify at the Adana Prosecutor’s Office. Leyla Guven, HADEP Adana Women’s Section President, Osman Fatih Sanli, DEHAP Adana 2nd tier candidate, Ahmet Yildiz, HADEP Adana Secretary, and Mahmut Tabak, DEHAP 9th tier candidate, were questioned by the Adana State Prosecutor on charges of “using illegal slogans” and “organizing a meeting without permission” during a press conference, which was organized by HADEP Adana Women’s Section at the Ugur Mumcu Place on March 8 World Women’s Day.
Oct 9, 2002 - The YSK (Supreme Election Board) convened yesterday upon the request of the Court of Cassation Chief Prosecutor to discuss if DEHAP could participate in the parliamentary elections.
Oct 9, 2002 - DEHAP’s election office in the Hamidiye District of Kagithane was attacked with Molotov cocktails by an unknown person or persons.
Oct 9, 2002 - In the Kucukdikili Municipality of Adana, the gendarmes, who made an operation previous night, arrested Mehmet Yazici, employee of the Ozgur Halk Periodical at Adana, Murat Vural, the Executive of the HADEP Youth Section at the Kucukdikili Municipality, and Seyit Kasdas, a member of the HADEP Youth Section Press Commission.
Oct 10, 2002 - DEHAP’s parliamentary candidates from Istanbul 3rd District, Pervin Buldan, Gunay Kaya, and Huseyin Altun participated in the opening of the Women’s Office in the Inonu District within the scope of their election campaign. While the parliamentary candidate Pervin Buldan was addressing the crowd, mostly women who were gathered in front of the Women’s Office, the gendarmes intervened. Buldan tried to continue her address but she had to stop when the gendarmes ordered the people to leave.
The gendarmes blocked access to the Women’s Office and dispersed the crowd that was gathered for the opening of the office. (Kurdistan National Congress, October 23, 2002)
Recent violations of the right to free election reported by TIHV
Oct 14, 2002, Milliyet-TIHV - The local election council in Nevsehir decided to close down the private TV station Kapadokya TV, owned by the candidate for the True Path Party (DYP), Arif Parmaksiz for having made single sided broadcast and violated the principle on equality among the political parties. The objection to a higher election council was rejected and Kapadokya TV will have to close down between 13 and 15 October. In Elazig the TV stations Kanal 23 and Kanal E will have to close down three days for the same reason.
Oct 15, 2002, Cumhuriyet-TIHV - On 14 October Abdulmelik Firat, chairman of the Rights and Freedoms Party (HAKPAR) and independent candidate for the 3 November elections, went to testify to the prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC on charges of separatist propaganda. During a meeting of the advisors' council of his party on 9 October he allegedly said: "Amed is the capital of Kurdistan". In his testimony Firat admitted to have called Diyarbakir the heart of the Kurds and added that he was careful not to use such expressions too often.
Oct 17, 2002, Radikal-Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 16 October two police officers detained Serafettin Göksoy, when he was filming the convoy of HADEP in Varto district (Mus) for Medya TV. He was taken to Varto Police HQ, his cassettes were confiscated and he was interrogated. After 2.5 hours he was released and said: "Even before they took me to the police station I was beaten and accused of filming for Medya TV with my private camera. At the police station they continued beating me and cursed at me. I shall file an official complaint against the police officers." The High Election Council (YSK) stopped the broadcasting of "Ulusal TV" for five days on the grounds that the meeting of the Workers' Party (IP) in Istanbul-Bayrampasa had been broadcasted twice for 57 minutes each on 6 October 2002. The station Flash TV was banned from broadcasting for 5 days because of impressions of the Great Turkey Party (BTP) on 20, 22, 24, 25, 28, 29 and 30 September. The bans will start today at midnight.
Oct 22, 2002, Milliyet-TIHV - On 21 October Abdülmelik Firat, independent candidate for the election in Diyarbakir province, was detained in Lice district, when he started a speech by greeting the crowd in Kurdish. He was released after 8 hours.
Oct 22, 2002, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 21 October Ibrahim Demir, Abdullah Gözlek, Hüseyin Osal and Ihsan Uslu, who had been detained in Sirnak on 20 October because they played Kurdish music in the election bus of the DEHAP, were arrested and taken to Sirnak Prison. Salih Yildiz, enlisted as MP candidate for Hakkari by DEHAP was detained on 20 October. Reportedly he was detained upon an information by repentant Gökhan Özer and was released a while later. In Enginalan village of Igdir the flags of DEHAP that were hanged in front of the election bureau was removed by the security forces. Then, Ibrahim Cantepe, owner of the coffee shop that was used as the election bureau was detained. Cantepe, was later released by Igdir Public Prosecution Office.
Oct 23, 2002, Cumhuriyet-TIHV - The retrial of Necmetin Erbakan, leader of the closed down Welfare Party, in connection with a speech he delivered in Bingöl on 25 March 1994 commenced on 22 October at Diyarbakir State Security Court (SSC). Following the amendment in Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC), Erbakan's lawyer Mehmet Ener had applied for a retrial demanding Erbakan's sentence of 1 year' imprisonment and his criminal record be lifted. During yesterday's hearing the SSC prosecutor argued that the adjustment laws did not make any amendments in the first paragraph of Article 312, and so, that it was impossible to evaluate Erbakan's speech within the limits of the "freedom of expression one's opinions". The SSC prosecutor said, "In his speech the convict openly incited his sympathizers and followers to hatred and enmity against those who are of different opinions and this incitement poses a clear threat to public order". The hearing was adjourned to a later date for the preparation of defense.
Oct 24, 2002, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 23 October Istanbul SSC No. 5 passed its verdict on Ayten Firat, board member of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP) in Istanbul. She was sentenced to 10 months' imprisonment and fine TL 2.6 million under Article 312 TPC for inciting the people to hatred and enmity in a way that endangers the public order. The case was based on a press statement Ayten Firat had made on 9 July 1999.
Oct 24, 2002, Evrensel-Radikal-TIHV - The High Election Council (YSK) decided on banning the broadcast of the TV station Star 4, Star 5, Star 6, Star 7 and Star Haber 24 that belong to the chairman of the Young Party Cem Uzan for five days each. On 23 October Abdulmelik Firat, chairman of the Rights and Freedoms Party (HAKPAR) and independent candidate for the 3 November elections, was detained in Diyarbakir for he spoke Kurdish during his election campaigns. Firat was later released by the prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC.
Oct 26-27-28-29, 2002, Evrensel, Milliyet, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - On 26 October Mehmet Ali Kaya was injured, when followers of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) attacked an election bus of the Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) in Gültepe quarter (Istanbul). They stopped the bus saying that this was an area under their control. Although the DEHAP members wanted to continue after a discussion Mehmet Ali Kaya was hit by a fist so that his glasses broke. Later an unidentified person fired two shots in the bus and injured him to his leg. On 27 October a group of MHP followers attacked a convoy of the DEHAP in Cennetçesme quarter (Izmir). Reportedly one person was injured. On the same day the police stopped a DEHAP convoy in Mavisehir (Izmir). DEHAP followers protested with a sit-in and the police dispersed them under beatings. Allegedly the police confiscated the ID and camera of a reporter of the daily "Evrensel".
Oct 26-28-30, 2002, Özgür Gündem-TIHV - The local TV station AYTV, owned by Hüseyin Aksu, independent candidate for Aydin province, has to close down for 3 days. The Election Council for the Central District ruled that the program violated the bans for the election. On 25 October Ibrahim Güçlü, deputy chairman of the Right and Freedom Party (HAK-PAR) was detained in Hazro district (Diyarbakir). DEHAP Nevsehir MP candidate Ekrem Gerçeker and DEHAP executive Mesut Mahsun were detained on 29 October, because they did not wait one minute in silence at the monument of Atatürk on the Day of the Republic. The prosecutor later ordered their release. On 29 October Tahir Yigit, Osman Yilmaz and Saban Biyan, who had been detained in Antalya on 28 October, when they disposed banners during a meeting of Deniz Baykal, chairman of the Republican People Party (CHP) saying "You said we are workers and took our bread away". Mehmet Keskin, chairman of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP) in Saray district (Van), former executive Abdulkadir Ates and the treasurer of the Democratic People's Party (DEHAP), Yusuf Bilici were detained on 29 October, when they wanted to meet the DEHAP convoy coming to their town. In Derik district (Mardin) 52 workers were detained on their return from cotton fields. Allegedly they had shouted slogans in favor of DEHAP.
Le procureur veut que le parti renonce à son appellation "communiste"
A trois jours des élections, le premier procureur de Turquie a menacé jeudi de recourir à des sanctions si le parti communiste ne renonçait pas à son appellation "communiste", rapporte l'agence Anatolie.
Le minuscule parti communiste turc, recréé l'an dernier après des années d'interdiction, présente pour la première fois des candidats à la députation aux élections de dimanche.
Sabih Kanadoglu, le procureur de la plus haute Cour du pays, a motivé son intervention par la décision, prise en janvier dernier par la cour constitutionnelle, de donner six mois au parti communiste (TKP) pour se défaire de son nom.
La législation sur les partis politiques n'autorise pas l'utilisation du terme "communiste".
M. Kanadoglu a demandé à la Cour constitutionnelle de lui confirmer d'ici 24 heures que le parti a changé de nom.
Faute de quoi, il pourrait entamer une démarche visant à le faire interdire.
Le TKP, qui fait campagne sur le thème du non au FMI, non à l'Union européenne et non à la guerre contre l'Irak, avait été créé en 1920, avant même la fondation de la Turquie moderne.
Mais il avait été interdit cinq ans plus tard dans le cadre de mesures répressives adoptées pour lutter contre une rébellion kurde.
En 1990, deux de ses dirigeants avaient été emprisonnés à leur retour de l'exil et le parti fut de nouveau interdit.
Il a été recréé l'an dernier sans
opposition
immédiate des autorités. (AFP, 31 octobre 2002)
Cem Uzan (Jeune Parti), le manipulateur osé des médias
Le nouveau-né de la politique turque Cem Uzan, un baron des médias au programme populiste qui s'offre une campagne à 200 millions de dollars selon la presse, jongle à sa guise avec ses journaux et chaînes de télévision, au risque d'enfreindre les lois électorales.
Avec lui la politique est devenue un "produit commercial", estime le professeur Nuran Yildiz de la faculté de Communication de l'Université d'Ankara pour qui ce candidat "pour la première fois de notre histoire, s'est créé de A à Z".
Avant de lancer cet été son Jeune parti (Genc Parti) qui recueillerait plus de 10% des intentions de vote selon certains sondages, cet homme d'affaires de 42 ans, qui n'avait jamais touché à la politique, a pris conseil auprès d'un spécialiste de la publicité, Ali Taran, qui lui a confectionné une campagne sur mesure : un "one man show" pour les élections législatives du 3 novembre.
La firme Creative Workshop d'Ali Taran avait par le passé dirigé la campagne du parti ultranationaliste MHP qui avait remporté 21% des suffrages aux dernières législatives en 1999, un succès majeur.
Cem Uzan, le "beau grand blond", qui a multiplié les rassemblements politiques pendant cette campagne, cherche lui aussi à puiser dans le jeune électorat d'extrême droite, selon les observateurs.
Ses outils de campagne sont tout sauf négligeables : quatre chaînes de télévision, des radios, des journaux et des sites internet font amplement la promotion de son parti. Ses messages passent même sur les écrans des téléphones mobiles dont l'opérateur, Telsim, appartient à sa famille.
Ce baron des médias refuse toute interview sur ses écrans comme sur ceux des concurrents. Mais ses discours quasi-identiques, aux idées simplistes et aux promesses multiples, sont diffusés en abondance sur ses chaînes de télévision.
Trois d'entre elles ont d'ailleurs été temporairement suspendues pour avoir violé les lois électorales sur l'impartialité. La publicité du parti avait alors tout simplement basculé sur une quatrième chaîne.
"Cem Uzan s'adresse aux paumés de la société, à ceux qui cherchent à se venger du système qui les a oubliés", explique à l'AFP l'historien Aykut Kansu.
Il compare ses méthodes à celles utilisées par Adolf Hitler au début de sa carrière politique dans les années 1920, mais souligne que Cem Uzan est loin d'être l'orateur que fut le leader nazi.
"Cem Uzan ne peut être qu'un fasciste post-moderne", ajoute-t-il.
Ses journaux qui réservent la quasi-intégralité de leur "Une" chaque jour à la campagne du Genc Parti, n'hésitent pas à recourir au photo-montage quand la foule n'est pas suffisamment nombreuse à ses meetings politiques.
Pour attirer les curieux, Cem Uzan n'hésite pas à organiser des concerts pop lors de ses meetings politiques et à y distribuer gratuitement vêtements, charbon ou nourriture, en violation des lois électorales qui n'autorisent la distribution que de tracts politiques.
Plusieurs dirigeants de la compagnie Telsim, poursuivie pour escroquerie (2,7 milliards de dollars) par Nokia et Motorola, ainsi que des journalistes du groupe Uzan sont candidats du Genc Parti aux élections.
Mais ils restent tous dans l'ombre de leur chef.
Sa campagne, dont le coût atteindrait les 200 millions de dollars, selon les médias, choque et attire à la fois.
"Est-ce que quelqu'un va enfin pouvoir demander à Cem Uzan l'origine de cet argent", demandait Fatih Altayli, un éditorialiste du journal à gros tirage Hurriyet.
Les autorités devrait agir contre ce
candidat qui
profite des "flous" juridiques pour tenter de se faire élire
député
et échapper ainsi à de multiples procès en se
prévalant
de l'immunité parlementaire qu'il a pourtant promis de faire
"disparaître",
ajoutait M. Altayli. (AFP, 26 octobre 2002)
LE TERRORISME DE L'ETAT / STATE TERRORISM
Torture and its punishment: Problem is not lack of law to prevent torture
The lawyer of 16 youths who were subjected to torture in the Manisa case that took place in the European Union's ordinary report on Turkey's accession to the EU and the chairman of Manisa Bar Association Serhan Ozbek, talking on torture and degrading treatments, said that the problem was not a lack of law to prevent torture and human degrading treatment, the problem was the implementation of these laws to prevent torture.
Ozbek said: "We have to accept that legal and administrative applications are bigger obstacles than the problems caused by legal articles in the laws in the democratization process. If Turkey becomes a democratic country, she would be democratic with her judiciary."
Ozbek stressed that it was a universal truth that a right taking place in law was not efficient to use that right: "We have also to provide that citizens may use their right practically and these rights should be taken into law actually. Unfortunately, there is not much reason to be optimistic about this in Turkey. Constitutional, legal arrangements, international agreements have been lost in the dark labyrinth of applications in Turkey."
According to the Copenhagen political criteria, in the countries to be member of the EU should have stable and institutional democracy, the superiority of law and the State of Law, the respect of human rights, said Ozbek and added that however the existence of all these were not enough, it should be implemented without interruption.
"As a matter of a fact, the European Human Right's Commission and European Court have insisted this; 'Turkish law is at a level to compensate the injustice subjected to, however, this mechanism to process this law is not run,' at their verdicts they made at the cases about Turkey. Furthermore, the passive attitudes of judiciary institutions on the verdicts and laws were not implemented and blamed at the verdict."
Talking about the Criminal Trial Procedure Law (CMUK), Ozbek said that CMUK has been changed more than 40 times: "It is known that there are new regulation under the extension of the National Program. Despite this, it is impossible to say CMUK regulating the procedure from the detention to court has exactly been implemented. As Manisa Bar, we are making research on the CMUK's implementation, we are going to release the results soon. This research shows that the judiciary and administrative implementations is progressing on the contrary of the aim of the law." Ozbek added, "While, according to Articles 153 and 154 of CMUK, real authority in the investigation belongs to Public Prosecutors, this authority has been used by police."
Stating that torture has been prohibited in the constitution and was called a crime in the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), Ozbek said: "Furthermore, Turkey has approved the United Nation's Agreement Prohibiting Torture, Human Degrading Treatments and European Agreement for Preventing Torture. Besides these agreements, new regulations on torture were made in the law, but despite all these, the situation in Turkey was not changed."
Stressing the ECHR accepted the applications on torture prohibition and human rights violations because of no efficient investigation in Turkey's jurisprudence, Ozbek said ECHR criticized Turkey for not carrying out Article 243 and 245 of the TCK efficiently.
Giving examples on human rights violations and jurisprudence applications of officials involved in torture, Ozbek said: "According to the official information, 48 gendarmes were judged of torture crimes within the last five years; 9 percent of these were sentenced and 22 percent of them were acquitted. However, 781 out of 5,000 applications made to ECHR against Turkey took place in the gendarmerie territory. According to the information given by the Interior Ministry, between 1995 and 1998, lawsuits involving 557 policemen charged of torture was brought and lawsuits involving 2,851 policemen charged of human degrading treatment were brought. Only ten out of the 557 policemen were sentenced for subjecting people to torture and 84 out of 2,851 policemen were also sentenced of degrading treatment. But, 84 policemen who were sentenced of degrading treatment escaped the punishment because of the 'Postponement Law' legislated in December 2000. Furthermore, an amnesty on officer's discipline punishment was launched in 1999. On the other side, according to research on information given by the Interior Ministry, only 3 percent of policemen who were charged of subjecting torture have been punished and none of them were dismissed."
Manisa Case: A symbol
The Manisa case known as the case of ten policemen who subjected 16 youths to torture took place in the European Union's ordinary report on Turkey's accession to the EU. The Manisa case is a sociological case that can be taught in schools.
In the Manisa case, the authority of the primary investigation belongs to the Republic Prosecutor, all legal procedures under detention and testimony of these 16 youths were realized by those policemen who were previously appointed in the Emergency Rules Governorship (OHAL). Another point in the Manisa case is that all these policemen who tortured the 16 defendants were not taken out of duty and all these suspects were on duty during the case. Because of this, during judging these 10 suspects, an efficient procedure was not followed up and the suspects had used their rights to defend themselves in order to take this case to overtime. But notifications from the court unfortunately could not reach some of these suspects, who were on duty.
"Seeing torture or degrading treats in any part of the world should not be a pretext. If there is a crime committed, it should be judged and punished. The Manisa case started in 1995 and the case has been going on for about seven years. The Supreme Court has made definite that the suspect police officers subjected the 16 youths to torture, for that reason the court should punish the suspects.
However, the case has been postponed many times
due to
the court notification problem. The overtime on the crime is seven and
a half years. If the court makes a verdict, there would be another
process.
It is certain that after the verdict of the court, the suspects would
apply
to the Supreme Court and the case would be extended. The time remaining
ahead would not be enough to sentence these suspects probably."
(Turkish
Daily News, October 16, 2002)
A petition to European Parliemant on political prisoners in Turkey
A petition of 155,000 signatures, protesting the conditions under which political prisoners are held in Turkey, was received today by the Office of the President of the European Parliament. Some 120,000 of the signatures were collected in Turkey, with the other 35,000 collected outside.
The petiton is the work of TAYAD, a group representing the families of political prisoners. "This petition has been collected under very difficult circumstances. We are campaigning for an end to the solitary confinement and torture of prisoners. Some 97 prisoners have died over the past two years. We ask the European Parliament to help speed up the process of democratisation in Turkey".
Accepting the petition on behalf of the President, Director-General Bo Manderup Jensen thanked TAYAD for the petition. "The President will ensure appropriate follow up. The European Parliament has criticised Turkey's record on human rights in the past in the past and will continue to do so". He reminded TAYAD of European Commission's recent verdict on Turkey as a candidate country—that it needed to make more efforts on human rights before a date for accession talks could be fixed.
Herman Schmid (MEP) of the GUE/NGL Group, who
accompanied
the TAYAD delegation, reminded Mr Jensen of a recent report from
Amnesty
International on Turkey which affirmed the allegations being made by
TAYAD.
(TAYAD Office, 9th October 2002)
Grève de la faim: la police a arrêté 101 manifestants
La police turque a arrêté dimanche à Istanbul 101 manifestants qui voulaient commémorer le souvenir des 57 personnes décédées d'une grève de la faim pour protester contre le nouveau régime carcéral, selon l'agence de presse Anatolie.
La police anti-émeutes, utilisant des matraques et des gaz lacrymogènes, est intervenue au moment où les manifestants s'apprêtaient à faire une déclaration dans le district de Beyoglu, dans le quartier européen d'Istanbul.
Sept manifestants, légèrement blessés dans l'affrontement avec la police, ont dû recevoir des soins médicaux, a précisé Anatolie.
Un mouvement de grève de la faim de détenus d'extrême gauche a commencé en octobre 2000 en Turquie pour protester contre la décision de remplacer les dortoirs par des cellules d'un à trois prisonniers. Dans ces cellules, les détenus s'estiment plus vulnérables aux mauvais traitements.
57 grévistes de la faim, aussi bien des prisonniers à l'intérieur des prisons que des sympathisants à l'extérieur des prisons, sont décédés dans ce mouvement.
Le gouvernement a catégoriquement
rejeté
le retour au système des dortoirs, estimant qu'il constituait la
base principale des émeutes fréquentes et des prises
d'otages
dans les prisons. (AFP, 20 octobre 2002)
Torturers from Manisa Convicted
On 16 October Manisa Criminal Court convicted 10 police officers for torturing 15 juveniles aged 16 and 17 in Manisa at the end of 1995 a second time, insisting on its earlier verdict. The case against the torturers had started in 1996 and on 12 March 1998 resulted in acquittal.
After the 8th Chamber of the Court of Cassation had quashed this verdict, Manisa Penal Court acquitted the defendants a second time on 27 January 1999. The Penal of Chambers at the Court of Cassation quashed this verdict as well and on 15 December 2000 Manisa Criminal Court sentenced the police officers Engin Erdogan, Fevzi Aydog, Musa Geçer, Mehmet Emin Dal and Ramazan Kolat to 9 years', 2 months' imprisonment, Turgut Demirel to 5 years', Halil Emir to 10 years', 10 months', Levent Özvez to 10 years', Turgut Özcan to 5 years', 10 months' and Atilla Gürbüz to 8 years', 4 months' imprisonment.
The sentences in the retrial were the same except for Musa Geçer, whose sentence was reduced to 8 years' 4 months' imprisonment.
On 2 May 2001 the 8th Chamber of the Court of
Cassation
had quashed the sentences ruling that the defense (lawyers) had been
restricted.
If the Court of Cassation does not confirm this verdict until 4 June
2003,
the defendants will go unpunished, since the time for conviction under
Article 243 TPC will expire. (Radikal-TIHV, October 17, 2002)
Lawyers deny Justice Minister's claims on tortures
On 24 October the lawyers Eren Keskin and Fatma Karakas from the Legal Aid Project against Sexual Assault and Rape in Detention held a press conference in response to the statement of the Justice Minister, who had said that torture in Turkey was restricted to some individual cases.
Keskin and Karakas presented the cases of N.Ç. (21) and S.Y. (27), who had been detained on 23 and 24 September:
"Formerly they used to break arms and legs leaving traces for a lifetime, but the methods now are more sophisticated. Our clients were spit into their mouths and forces to swallow it. They were stripped stark naked and the police officers tried to push a hose inside and hosed the vagina and after with pressurized water. While the women were stark naked one police officer undressed completely touching the face with his penis and tried to push it into the mouse.
"The detainees were asked, whether they were virgins and the officers promised to be careful enough so that they could keep their virginity. Both women had to stand during interrogation and were forced to gymnastic movements intended at humiliating them in an attempt to make them confess.
"They were kept hungry and had to stand with
their faces
to the wall, while being blindfolded. Instead of applying electric
shocks
directly the police officers put cotton into the vagina and the
electrode
on top it saying that this would not leave any traces.
"Both victims had irregular bleedings after the
police
officers kicked them heavily into the stomach. This did not deter them
from hosing the detainees with pressurized water, while making fun of
it.
"The police officers lied down on the naked
detainees
and threatened them with rape.
"S.Y. is till suffering from bleedings, cannot sleep and concentrate and is in need of treatment. N.Ç. is also suffering from bleedings, weeping a lot and has difficulties in talking. She has not informed the family of what happened." (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 25, 2002)
Human Rights violations in brief
Massacre in Ulucanlar Prison
On 30 September Ankara Criminal Court No. 5 continued the case against 85 prisoners charged in connection with the massacre in Ulucanlar Prison, during which 10 prisoners died on 26 September 1999. The defendants Halil Dogan and Cenker Aslan stated that they did not remember the incident well, after they participated in the death fast action. The prisoners are charged with uprising, damaging public property and killing. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 1, 2002)
Police Brutality in Diyarbakir
Mustafa Akgün complained to the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) that his son Yahya Akgün (24) had been detained on 27 September for no reason at all and he did not know, where his son was being held. On 25 September his son had to be treated in hospital because he had taken some narcotic pills. On 27 September a quarrel had taken place next to their home and, when his son arrived on a motorbike the police officers wanted to know whether Yahya Akgün had been involved. His father said "no", but the son cursed at the police officers, hit one of them with a stick and started to wound himself with razor blades. Mustafa Akgün said: "Immediately all police officers started to beat him and continued, even after he fainted. He was taken away, but I don't know where." (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 1, 2002)
The Susurluk Scandal
The public prosecutor of Bagcilar district (Istanbul) decided not to bring charges against some generals for their supporting statements on Korkut Eken, who had been convicted in the so-called Susurluk case. The investigation against the retired generals Dogan Güres, Cumhur Evcil, Hasan Kundakçi, Adnan Dogu, Teoman Koman, Atilla Kurtaran and Necati Özgen had been conducted under Article 312/1 TPC prohibiting to praise an act of crime according to law. (Radikal-TIHV, October 1, 2002)
Students Dismissed in Eskisehir
The students Gözde Mollaibrahimoglu, Mustafa Karadag, Nuray Büyücek, Özgür Cihan Tiknazoglu and Pinar Çelik were dismissed from Eskisehir Anatolia University. Following a demonstration against the Council for High Education (YÖK) on 6 November 2001 they had not been allowed to enter the university and on 25 January made a demonstration against this decision. The lawyer of Pinar Çelik, Ender Çulhaoglu, opened a case at the Supreme Administrative Court for a revision of the decision. (Radikal-TIHV, October 1, 2002)
Pressure in Sincan Prison
In Sincan F-type Prison some 45 prisoners charged with ordinary criminal offences such as membership of gangs are on hunger strike since 17 September. In a petition signed by 95 people they demand an end to isolation, polite treatment during body searches, basic rights during visits by relatives and lawyers, allowing the lawyers to come with writing equipment and their families to bring clothes. If their demands are not met they shall continue the hunger strike in October. The political prisoners in Batman Prison announced a two-day's boycott of visits in protest at the fact that prisoners do not get the medicine necessary for them, they are facing problems during meals and visits and are not allowed to meet prisoners in other wards. (Milliyet-TIHV, October 2, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Izmir
On 1 October the police in Izmir detained Seyit Akyüz, distributor of the daily "Yeniden Özgür Gündem". Duran Budak, Hanifi Keçeci, Döne Arici, Berivan Karakas, Jale Çelik and Feride Kaya, who had been detained in Akdam village (Çorum) on 25 September on charges of supporting the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), were remanded in 1 October. Erzurum SSC ordered the release of the students Hüseyin Özdogdu and Seyit Akyüz, who had been detained in Kars on 1 May World Labor Day. On 1 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of Serdar Sitilay and Mehmet Kazayerik, who had been remanded in December 2001 on charges of staging a "pirate" demonstration and throwing molotov cocktails. The court ordered the release of the defendants, who are facing a punishment according to Article 169 TPC. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 2, 2002)
TIHV staff Tried in Izmir
On 2 October Izmir Penal Court of First Instance No. 1 started to hear the case of Dr. Alp Ayan, staff member of the Izmir representation office of the Human Right Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), Mert Zengin, Ecevit Piroglu, IHD Izmir Branch executive, and a prisoner's relative Gonca Çoban for comments they made by a press statement in connection with the Platform Against the Cells. The defendants were charged with insulting the judiciary and the military forces according to Article 159 TPC. The hearing was adjourned to 30 December for a completion of the files. (TIHV, October 2, 2002)
Teachers on Trial in Istanbul
On 1 October Eyüp Penal Court No. 2 heard the case of 247 teachers charged in connection with the one-day no-work action on 1 December 2000. The teachers said that they followed a call by their trade union. The court adjourned the hearing to listen to further defendants. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, October 3, 2002)
Youth Activity Hindered in Ankara
On 1 October the police prevented an opening celebration of the Youth Initiative at Ankara University. They made an ID check at the entrance to the university in Cebeci quarter and pulled down posters. (BIA-TIHV, October 3, 2002)
TKIP Trial in Istanbul
On 1 October Istanbul SSC No. 4 continued to hear the case of Kemal Toka, Argun Butay, Ayhan Engin and Nurgül Dogan charged with armed robbery of a Tekel shop in Küçükköy (Istanbul). On 16 August 1996 the police had intervened during the robbery. Police officers Süleyman Gez and Ekrem Ülker had been killed and four others wounded. The defendants are charged with having conducted the robbery in the name of Ekim-TKIP (October-Turkish Communist Workers' Party) and the prosecutor asked for the death penalty for them. Meanwhile the defendants Ayhan Engin and Nurgül Dogan had been released from prison after their health deteriorated due to the death fast action. Kemal Toka stated that during the search of his home no evidence had been found that showed a relation to an illegal organization. At the time the journals "Tempo" and "Aktüel" had reported that an organization called "Red Army" had taken responsibility for the action. The defense added that the only evidence were statements of the defendants to the police that had been extracted under torture. They asked for acquittal. The court adjourned the hearing to announce the verdict. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 3, 2002)
Suffering detainees not released
Reports from Edirne stated that the prisoners Okan Baris Ekinci and Yusuf Kenan Dinçer were not released from Edirne F-type Prison, although the public prosecutor in Edirne had ordered their release based on a report by the Forensic Institute suggesting release because of the deteriorated health due to the death fast action. The prisoners should have been released on 1 October. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 4, 2002)
MLKP Trial in Istanbul
On 3 October Istanbul SSC No. 3 passed its verdict on five defendants, charged with having staged an illegal demonstration for the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP) in Alibeyköy (Istanbul) in 1996. Allegedly they shot at the police, who wanted to intervene, and killed 2 police officers, wounding one. The only defendant present was Cihan Deniz Tarak. Although a report exists that he should not longer be imprisoned, since he is suffering from the Wernicke-Korsakoff disease he had not been released like his co-defendants Kemal Türkan, Halis Güzeler, Ali Kaya Esen and Ömer Berber. The defendants Ömer Berber and Cihan Deniz Tarak were sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of an early release. The case against the defendant Ali Kaya Esen, charged with supporting an armed gang, was dropped because of lapse of time. The case against Halis Güzeler was suspended and Kemal Türkan was sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment for membership of the MLKP. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 4, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in istanbul
During the speech of Kemal Alemdaroglu, rector of Istanbul University, held at the opening ceremony on 3 October, a female student shouted, "We want a free and democratic university", "No to YÖK" and some other students showed banners. The police intervened and detained some 20 students under beatings. They were taken to Beyazit Police Station and later released by the prosecutor. On 3 October several students protested against the fact that headscarved students were not allowed to enter Kadiköy Theological Lyceum in Acibadem-Istanbul by chaining themselves to the iron fence in the garden. The police cut the chains and detained about 20 people including some parents, who tried to prevent the police car with the female students to leave. (Milliyet-TIHV, October 4, 2002)
TKEP/L Trial in Istanbul
On 4 October Istanbul SSC passed a verdict on 7 alleged members of the Turkish Communist Labor Party/Leninist TKEP/L. The charges included some armed action and the killing of the police officer Ebubekir Yildirim on 10 July 1993. The court sentenced Ümit Onursal Özat and Serif Kartoglu to life imprisonment without the possibility for an early release. Nevertheless, Serif Kartoglu, on hunger strike for more than 400 days, was released after the hearing. The defendant Necdet Temel was sentenced to 36 years' imprisonment and Nurettin Vural to 30 years' imprisonment. Yilmaz Eksi was acquitted. The case against Ali Riza Özgür was dropped because of lapse of time. The case against Mahmut Murat Ördekçi had been dropped earlier. He died during the operation in prison of December 2000. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, October 5, 2002)
Exiled Teachers in Diyarbakir
The Ministry of National Education terminated an administrative investigation against the teachers, who had been arrested in Kiziltepe (Mardin) on 10 May on charges of possessing Kurdish books, but who were acquitted by Diyarbakir SSC on 5 September. The following teachers were exiled (disciplinary transfer): Faruk Kilinç (to Giresun), Aziz Yücedag (to Kastamonu), Sermin Erbas (to Bayburt), Kerim Kosan (to Artvin), Zübeyir Avci (to Ordu), Nusret Demir (to Trabzon), Yakup Basboga (to Yozgat), Mahmut Kuzu (to Yozgat), Lokman Koçhan (to Trabzon) ve Mahsun Bilen (place of transfer not known. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 6, 2002)
Civil Servants on Trial in Zonguldak
On 4 October Zonguldak Penal Court No. 1 acquitted 130 civil servants, who had participated in the one-day no-work action on 1 December 2000. (BIA-TIHV, October 7, 2002)
Teachers' Demonstration Hindered in Mersin
The march of teachers from the union Egitim-Sen against "oppression and exile" that started in Mersin on 3 October ended in Ankara on 5 October. The police made the teachers wait in Gölbasi district so that the group only arrived at Kurtulus Park around noon. Some teachers had gathered in front of the main office of the trade union in Ziya Gökalp Alley. They were prevented from walking to meet their colleagues from Mersin. Teachers, who tried to cross the barricades of the police, were beaten with truncheons. The teachers staged a sit-in and blockaded the alley. After some negotiations they were able to meet the protesters from Mersin. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 6, 2002)
Students Detained in istanbul
On 4 October the police detained 3 students and 6 parents, who had gather in front of Kadiköy Anatolian Theological Lyceum in protest at the ban on headscarves. One of the parents, Makbule Ibrahimoglu, filed an official complaint, because the police had beaten her during detention. She and the other parents were arrested on 6 October. Allegedly they resisted detention and injured police officers. (Yeni Safakl-TIHV, October 5, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests
On 4 October Semih Genç, allegedly representing the illegal Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) in Romania, was handed over to Turkey. In March 1993 he and Mete Nezihi Altinay, Ibrahim Yalçin, Süleyman Sahin, Halil Çakiroglu and Ali Gülmez had escaped from Bayrampasa Prison. Yusuf Abay, distributor of the daily "Özgür Gündem" in Van-Dogubeyazit was detained on 4 October, but released after some hours. On 6 October the police on Diyarbakir raided a house in Dicle Kent Alley and detained the alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, Aziz Diri, his wife and one child. Chief of Diyarbakir Police, Atilla Çinar, announced that five alleged Hezbollah members had been detained during last week and their testimonies had helped to clarify 8 actions by so-called unknown assailants. During the last six months 170 suspected Hezbollah members had been detained and 45 of them had been remanded. (Cumhuriyet-Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 4-6, 2002)
Lawyer on Trial in Denizli
A case was launched against the ex-chair of Denizli Bar Lawyer Yildirim Aycan on the reasons that he refused "body search when entering the prison" The indictment wants Lawyer Yildirim be convicted according to Article 526 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC) (disobeying the orders). The trial will be pursued at Denizli Heavy Penal Court No.1. (Evrensell-TIHV, October 9, 2002)
Trial on Massacre in Ulucanlar Prison
On 9 October Ankara Criminal Court No. 6 continued to hear the case of 161 gendarmerie soldiers and guardians in connection with the operation in Ankara Closed Prison (Ulucanlar) that resulted in the death of 10 prisoners on 26 September 1999. The prisoner Önder Mercan should have been heard as witness, but he did not remember much, since he is suffering from the Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome as a result of the death fast action. The court decided to have the defendants identified by photographs rather than in direct confrontation with the victims, since many soldiers changed their place of duty. In this trial the defendants are charged with "killing a person in a way so as to conceal the perpetrators", however, the indictment wants Article 49 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC), which organizes the impunity of public officers when they commit crime while performing their duties, be also applied. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Lawyers on Trial in Istanbul
On 9 October, the case launched against lawyers Bilgütay Hakki Turna and Murat Celik commenced at Kadikoy Heavy Penal Court No.1. The court adjourned the hearing to listen to further witnesses. Turna and Celik are the sub-plaintiffs of Hüseyin Duman, member of the Socialist Power Party (SIP) who was murdered by Ihsan Bal, chairman of the Idealists' Union in Küçükbakkalköy (Istanbul) on 17 April 1999. The lawyers are charged with insulting the court board. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Politician on Trial in Ankara
The public prosecutor at Ankara SSC launched a trial against Dogu Perinçek, chairman of the Workers' Party (IP) on charges of insulting the security forces by accusing the secret service (MIT) to be supervised by the Israeli secret service MOSSAD. During a press conference at his party's office on 28 April Dogu Perincek had accused MIT of having placed a listening devise in the office of State President Ahmet Necdet Sezer. Perincek will be tried at a penal court under Article 159 TPC that requires a sentence of between one and 3 years' imprisonment. (Milliyet-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Circular on F-type Prisons
Justice Aysel Çelikel sent a new circular to all prosecutors in the country concerning common activities of prisoners in the F-type prisons. She reminded of an earlier circular providing that prisoners, who participated in at least one of the social and cultural activities in the prisons, could come together in groups of a a maximum of 10 people and conversate for a maximum of 5 hours per week. The new circular upholds the provision that an elective council will determine the prisoners that form a group, but the condition of participation in at least one of the activities in education, sport, workshop etc. was lifted on the grounds that progress had been achieved in common activities of the prisoners. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Trial against Speakers in Istanbul
On 10 October Beyoglu Penal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 19 defendants who had spoken on the Conference against "Sexual Assault and Rape in Custody", conducted in Istanbul in June 2000. The defendants Gülizar Tuncer, Fatma Karakas, Özgül Han, Duygu Aydin, Nazli Top, Fatma Deniz Polattas, Hayriye Ümin Yurdakul, Suna Aras, Tülay Çaglar, Berrin Tas, Safiye Top, Sultan Seçik, Temin Salmanoglu, Cemile Güçlü, Derya Engin, Songül Yildiz, Nahide Kiliç, Zeynep Ovayolu and Fatma Kara are charged with "insulting the armed forces" under Article 159 TPC. The hearing was adjourned to a later date to inspect videos from the conference and to hear the testimony of further defendants. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Case against Human Rights Defenders in Istanbul
Istanbul SSC launched a court case against the Chairperson of Social Support and Culture Association for Migrants (Göç-Der) Sefika Gürbüz and the sociologist Mehmet Barut, who is working for Mersin University as Research Assistant, for the annual report of the year 2001 on enforced displacement. They will be charged under Article 312 TPC. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 14, 2002)
Pressure in Iskenderun Prison
Prisoners in Iskenderun E-Type Prison complained about increased pressure of the prison administration. They said that they neither got the daily "Yeniden Özgür Gündem", even if it had not been confiscated, nor other Kurdish publications. Letters and facsimiles they sent to friends were not being forwarded or were censored. Prisoners with serious health problems did not get the necessary treatment and before prisoners could join the group of political prisoners they were put under pressure to become repentant confessors. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 12, 2002)
TKEP/L Trial in Istanbul
On 11 October Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of 24 alleged members of the Turkish Communist Labor Party/Leninist (TKEP/L), aged between 16 and 23, who had been detained in March 1996. Defense lawyer Gülizar Tuncer stated that another trial was being conducted against two members of the organization "Direnis" in connection with one of the charges against her clients (The killing of student Ertugrul Kaya on 30 November 1995). The hearing was adjourned to a later date. In this trial the defendants Devrim Öktem, Bülent Gedik, Ismail Altun, Özgür Öktem and Erbil Kizil are charged under Article 146/1 TPC and have to expect life imprisonment. The defendants Zülcihan Sahin, Müstak Erhan Il, Izzet Tokur, Arzu Kemanoglu, Bilgin Ayata, Sinan Kaya, Ebru Karahanci, Ulas Bati (17), Okan Kaplan (17), Sevgi Kaya (16), Mustafa Yazici, Ilyas Koçak, Güven Dagdelen, Ahmet Olgun, Zuhal Sürücü (17), Serpil Koçak, Cemal Bozkurt, Ali Kiliç and Levent Bagdadi have to expect imprisonment. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 12, 2002)
Demonstration Prevented in Istanbul
The police intervened, when on 10 October a group of people tried to stage a demonstration against Israel and the USA, after they had come from the Friday prayers in Beyazit Mosque (Istanbul). The police detained 6 people, who allegedly organized the demonstration. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Official Report on Human Rights
The State Ministry with responsibility for human rights prepared a report on the activities of the human rights councils for Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit and the other ministers. The report stated that 925 complaints about human rights violations had resulted in 146 court cases. The human rights councils in 81 provinces and 831 districts had received 1,293 application: 115 on torture and ill-treatment; 19 on unfounded detention; 30 in connection with the right to life; 575 on the right to education and 123 on noise and traffic related issues. In connection with ill-treatment 351 civil servants had been subjected to judicial investigations; 289 to administrative investigations; 30 had been put on trial and 22 had been subjected to administrative measures. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 14, 2002)
Pressure in Bayrampasa Prison
Prisoners from Bayrampasa Special Type Prison complained about bad prison conditions. They said that prisoners, who had been transferred to Bayrampasa in order to receive medical treatment, were not treated and the conditions in the prison had resulted in an increase of pneumonia and hepatit-B diseases. The prisoners further complained that they were ill-treated on their way to and from hospitals and courts. So far their complaints to the prison administration, the prosecutor and the Ministry of Justice had been without any result. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 15, 2002)
Torture in Istanbul
Street vendor Gülhanim Rençber alleged to have been beaten at Sultanahmet Tourism Police Station. At a press conference organized by the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) she said: "I'm making my living by selling headscarves in front of the Blue Mosque for 13 years. On 14 August two police officers came and took me to Sultanahmet Tourism Police Station. The chief, whose name I later discovered to be Kemal told the officers to give my goods to the municipality and take me to Sirkeci Police Station. I begged him not to do so and help. He became angry saying ‘do you want to tell me what to do?', walked twoards me, pushed towards the kitchen, threw me to the ground and beat me, until he was tired. Later they kicked me out of the police station without any formal treatment." Reçber added that she approached the governor of Istanbul and the district governor in Sultanahmet without any result. Lawyer Eren Keskin stated that they filed an official complaint with a medical report certifying three days' inability to work. The prosecutor's investigation was continuing. Being asked, why her client had waited so long with this declaration, Keskin said that she had been afraid. Currently she was receiving medical treatment at the rehabilitation center of the Human Right Foundation of Turkey (TIHV). For two months she had not been allowed to continue her work. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 16, 2002)
Detentions, Arrests in Istanbul
On 15 October Istanbul SSC No. 4 ordered the arrest of Fethi Gültepe, student at the faculty of political sciences in Pandia University (Athens). Allegedly he confessed to have been taken from Trabzon to Greece in 1998, where the Greek secret service EYP paid him to be educated for the attempt to form a separate State of Ponthos. Veli Mükyen, former owner of the closed down newspaper "Demokrasi" was detained on 14 October, when he arrived at Istanbul Airport comming from Brussels. Reportedly he was detained in connection with court cases against the paper. (Hürriyet-Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 16, 2002)
MLKP Trial in Istanbul
On 16 October Istanbul SSC No. 3 passed its verdict on 17 defendants including journalists and trade unionists charged with membership and support for the Marxist Leninist Communist Party (MLKP). The case against the trade unionist Süleyman Yeter had been dropped since he died on 7 March 1999. The defendants Necati Akbay, Hasan Ozan, Erdogan Yilmaz, Ayse Yilmaz, Ferhat Akçay, Mesut Gerçek, Mukaddes Çelik, Sultan Arikan, Birsen Kaya and Sedat Senoglu were acquitted because of lack of evidence. The case against Bayram Namaz, charged with supporting an illegal organization, was suspended because of lapse of time. He was acquitted from charges of possessing explosives. Gönül Karagöz, Arif Çelebi, Zabit Iltimur and Erdogan Ber were acquitted from the same charges, but journalist Asiye Güzel Zeybek, Gönül Karagöz, Arif Çelebi, Zabit Iltimur and Erdogan Ber were sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment for membership of an illegal organization. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 17, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul
On 16 October Ibrahim Solmaz, chairman of the Association for Graduates and Students at Theological Lyceums (ÖNDER), and the board members Güven Yilmaz and Sabri Otag were detained in front of Kadiköy Anatolian Theological Lyceum, where they had come to listen to the problems of the students. They were taken to Kadiköy Hasanpasa Police Station and released after testifying. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, October 17, 2002)
Workers Tortured in Istanbul
Hasan Sonkaya, chairman of the trade union Deri-Is in Tuzla district (Istanbul) spoke at a press conference organized by the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) concerning the detention of 8 workers, who had been sacked by the companies Kampana, Güven Karaca and Tabak-San in Tuzla. He said that some of the workers had still marks of the torture and received medical reports certifying the ill-treatment. He also made an official complaint to the public prosecutor. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Arrests at Trade Union demonstration in Istanbul
Ob 17 October the Confederation of Trade Unions in the Public Sector (KESK) staged a country-wide action demanding further payments according to inflation and an improvement of their status and social rights. In Istanbul 12 trade unionists including the chairman of KESK, Sami Evren, were detained, but released shortly afterwards. Another 14 demonstrators were detained in Kadiköy-Istanbul and are expected to be presented to a court. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Dismissed Students in Eskisehir
8th Chamber of the Supreme Administrative Court stoped implementation of dismissal of Pinar Çelik from the Eskisehir Anatolian University. The court will deal with the demand of annulment of the 9th article of diciplinary regulation on a later date. The students Gözde Molla Ibrahimoglu, Mustafa Karadag, Nuray Büyücek, Özgür Cihan Tiknazoglu and Pinar Çelik from the Anatolian University in Eskisehir, who participated in a protest action against the Law for High Schools on 25 January, had been dismissed from university according to the article 9 of the diciplinary regulation. The lawyer of Pinar Çelik, Ender Çulhaoglu, had opened the case at the Supreme Administrative Court for a revision of the decision. (TIHV, October 18, 2002)
The Killing of an ÖDP member in Istanbul
The public prosecutor in Istanbul indicted Ziya Yücetepe and Ömer Karakus for the killing of Sinan Kayis (22), member of the Freedom and Solidarity Party (ÖDP). He was killed in the coffeehouse of Ziya Yücetepe in Okmeydani-Istanbul on 31 August, while distributing leaflets for the party. Yalçin Köse, another member of the group of ÖDP members, was injured. Ziya Yücetepe and Ömer Karakus will be tried for killing and injuring and the illegal possession of arms. They have to expect sentences of between 24 and 30 years' imprisonment. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Trial on Swisssotel Attack
On 17 October Istanbul Penal Court No. 1 continued to hear the case of 13 defendants, who had entered the Swissotel (Istanbul) on 22 April 2001 and taken hostages. The defense alleged that the defendants entered the hotel in order to escape from agents of the KGB. The hearing was adjourned for the prosecutor to prepare the summing up of the case. The defendants are: Muhammed Emin Tokcan, Emin Tastan, Ali Tokcan, Hayri Kadi, Yüksel Özdemir, Yalçin Sahin, Bahri Demir, Atilla Kivik, Bünyamin Kivik, Hayati Ak, Mehmet Yapici, Serdal Seferoglu and Ramazan Karabulut. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Torture in Adana
Murat Kor spoke to the news agency Dicle about torture by his former employers and soldiers. He had been working as a guard at a farm in Misis town, Yüregir district (Adana). He had quit the job because he was afraid of armed people coming to the farm. On 1 October he went there to claim his remaining salary. He said: "The owners of the farm, Seref, Ahmet and Ibrahim Almali and Cem Nugay did not let me go. During the day I was imprisoned and at night they tied to a tree. Each evening they beat me. They threatened me with a gun, but did not dare to kill me, since I had told my sister, where I would go. I did not get anything to eat for 12 days and when my health deteriorated they got the doctor Umut Keles to examine me." Murat Kor also alleged that two soldiers from the gendarmerie station in the industrial area by the name of Sahin Özcan and the first name of Haci participated in the torture. He had seen them on 13 October after his family had taken him there for a complaint. Meanwhile, the owners of the farm were arrested and the prosecutor started an investigation. Official from the gendarmerie station, however, rejected any involvement in the case. (DIHA-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Pressure in Kahramanmaras Prison
Political prisoners in Kahramanmaras E-type Prison announced that the prison administration violated the decrees by the Ministry of Justice. The right for groups of up to 10 prisoners to confer for 5 hours per week was not granted, legal newspapers and journals were not given to them and prisoners with diseases were not treated, said the announcement. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 19, 2002)
Compensation for Youth from Manisa
Izmir Criminal Court No. 5 decided that the Ministry of the Interior has to pay compensation of TL 5 billion to Ayse Mine Balkanli, one of the juveniles from Manisa, who were tried for membership of the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C). At the end of the trial Ayse Mine Balkanli was acquitted and she asked for compensation for 10 months of wrongful imprisonment (between 26 December 1995 and 15 October 1996). The Court ruled that she could not claim material compensation since she had no income at the time as a student. The moral compensation was determined at TL 5 billion (app. $ 3,000). (Milliyet-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
Allegation of Torture in Detention in Siverek
Mustafa Akçiçek who had been detained in Siverek district (Urfa) on 21 October was reportedly tortured. The event developed as follows: On that day Akcicek fired his gun when he was quarreling with his wife. He tried to runaway when the police came to the spot. The police began to chase him by car. However, the car had an accident on the way and the police officers _smail Yeni, Hasan Top, Hüseyin Batli and Yilmaz Batli were heavily injured. Another team later detained Akçiçek. Reportedly, the police severely beat Akçiçek when detaining him. At about 1pm Akcicek was taken to Siverek State Hospital on a stretcher. Vice Mayor of Siverek Mehmet Akçicek, brother of Mustafa, had a quarrel with the police officers in front of the hospital. Then, Aycicek was taken to Diyarbakir for receiving a medical report certifying that he had been tortured. Reportedly the police refused to unlock Mustafa Aycicek's handcuff alleging that the key was absent. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
Union of Preachers Trial in Istanbul
On 21 October Istanbul SSC No. 4 heard the case of seven alleged members of the radical Islamic organization "Beyyiat al Imam" (Union of Preachers), founded in 1993 in opposition to the King of Jordan. The defendant Fatih Sultan Çalis, allegedly responsible for Istanbul, agreed to have been in Afghanistan for a military training, but rejected charges of involvement in armed activities. Ali Üzüm, allegedly the responsible person in the organization for the whole of Turkey, alleged that his statement to the police, in which he admitted to have conducted military training in Afghanistan and Pakistan, had been extracted under torture. Defense lawyer Ilhami Sayan stated that the defendants were not charged with activities in Turkey and, therefore, the case should not be heard by a court in Turkey. He alleged that his clients had been tortured at Bursa HQ. The Court decided to release Osman Özkan and Mehmet Aslan charged with activities as couriers for the organization. The arrest warrants against Ali Üzüm and Fatih Sultan Çalis were held up and arrest warrants were issued against the defendants Necdet Sinan Kosifoglu, Ramazan Keskin and Adem Demir, because they had not appeared in court to testify. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
Death in Bingöl Prison
The convict Aydin Adkovayçin incarcerated in Bingöl Special Type Prison committed suicide today (22 October) in his ward. He was reportedly convicted of a common crime. (Sabah-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
Secret Service Trial
On 21 October Istanbul Criminal Court No. 9 acquitted Mehmet Eymür, former deputy chief of the counter terror department in the intelligence organization MIT, from charges of revealing secret information. The Court ruled that the information Mehmet Eymür, who is living in the USA, provided on his internet site had no specific value of secrecy, since everybody was talking about the subject. (Radikal-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
New Regulation on Demonstrations and Meetings
The Ministry of the Interior has issued new regulations for meetings and demonstration. The decree of 8 August 1985 was changed to the effect that organizations and institutions (formal persons) can organize meetings and demonstrations. The official representative (governor) has no longer to be informed 3 days but 48 hours in advance. Applicants have to be at least 18 years old, but the condition that they have to be living at the place for at least 6 months was lifted. The amendments, made for the adjustments to the European Union also include further possibilities of banning meetings and demonstrations. The new formulation is: "The governor (for the district or the province) can ban meetings and demonstrations without notifying the organizing committee in case of danger that offences are committed or with the aim of protecting the rights and freedoms of others." (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 23, 2002)
Trade Unionist on Trial in Sivas
On 22 October Sivas Penal Court No. 1 acquitted Mustafa Basoglu, chairman of the trade union in the health sector, SAGLIK-IS, from charges under Article 312/1 TPC. The Court ruled that the legal conditions of the offence to direct and incite the people to disobedience had not materialized. The charges had been brought in connection with a speech by Mustafa Basoglu to students of the theological faculty and the Republic University concerning the ban on headscarves. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 24, 2002)
Students on Trial in Istanbul
The public prosecutor in Istanbul indicted 19 students, who had protested the rector of Istanbul University, Prof. Dr. Kemal Alemdaroglu, during the opening ceremony on 3 October and who had been detained under beatings. The trial on charges of violating Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations will be heard at Istanbul Penal Court. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 24, 2002)
An anti-war demonstration prevented
The police intervened, when on 26 October some people wanted to march on Istiklal Boulevard in protest at an US operation against Iraq. The police detained some 20 people including Deniz Gülünay, reporter for "Isçi Köylü". (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 27, 2002)
Torture in Detention in Izmir
Sahabettin Aydin, father of Nihat Aydin complained to the Izmir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) about torture of his son on 28 October. On that day he went to Narlidere Police Station to claim his motorcycle, which the police had confiscated. He told reporters: “It seemed that they had been waiting for the opportunity to beat me. Chief commissioner Mustafa and other police officers applied falanga (bastinado) to my legs. Afterwards they beat me on my head and ribs.” Nihat Aydin said that he knew of someone called Abdullah (Apo), who had lost his senses under torture and claimed that the police had threatened him to do what they had done to ‘Apo’. He added that the torture lasted for five hours until he was put in a cell. “I started to cut myself with a razor blade hoping that they would set me free, but they intensified the beatings. I fell sick and they took me to the hospital in Balçova. Later I found myself in Çamlik.” The father Sahabettin Aydin later took him to Yesilyurt State Hospital, where he had to stay because of the risk of internal bleedings. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, Octobre 31, 2002)
Medical Treatment Neglected in Tekirdag
Reports from Tekirdag F-type Prison stated that the prisoner Zeki Sahin was not treated despite he had a tumour in his brain. His mother Güzel Sahin stated that they had applied to Istanbul Public Prosecution Office and the prosecutor at Istanbul State Security Court (SSC) but that she did not receive any results. Sahin said: “When I went there to ask about the answer to my petition a woman insulted me saying ‘We did not release a prisoner whose inner organs were not functioning. Why on earth should we release your son’”. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, Octobre 31, 2002)
Pressure in Ümraniye Prison
Relatives of the prisoners at Ümraniye Prison stated that the prison administration inserted pressure on inmates. Their statement of 30 October complained, “The central heating system was off despite that the weather becomes colder. Prisoners who are suffering from health problems are denied medical treatment. The prisoner Bülent Kudis lost his ability to see in one eye, because he was not treated. Legal publishments are not given to prisoners. The administration provides the prisoners with hot water on their will. Prisoners living in different wards cannot meet each other. The prison conditions are not healthy and many prisoners are suffering from health problems. The Administration seizes the petitions that are sent to the prosecution office by the prisoners”. The lawyers and relative of the prisoners convicted of IBDA-C trials (a radical Islamic organization) at Bolu and Kandira f-type prisons held a press meeting at Istanbul branch of the IHD. The lawyer of Salih Mirzabeyo_lu, leader of the IBDA-C, Ahmet Arslan stated that his clients at Bolu and Kandira f-type prisons could not make use of their rights to benefit from common spaces and participate in social activities. Aslan stated that they were forced to use common spaces with common criminals and repentants with whom they had no social or psychological ties. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, Octobre 31, 2002)
Death in Kandira Prison
The case launched against the administrators and public servants at Kandira F-type Prison in connection with the death of Volkan Agirman, an inmate that committed suicide in the evening of 15 July, commenced at Kadirga Penal Court of First Instance on 30 October. The defendant prison guards who testified during the hearing stated that they were on duty when the incident took place but that they were not authorized to enter the cells. The sub-plaintiffs acting on behalf of Agirman and his family stated that Agirman had committed suicide because of the isolationist policies in the prisons and demanded Hikmet Sami Türk, then the Justice Minister, and other authorities be put on trial. The hearing was adjourned to 11 December. In this trial prison sentences are sought for the First Director of the Prison Recep Güven, chief-guardian Bayram Cengiz and the guardians Ahmet Aydin, Yusuf Sözen, Mehmet Yüksel and Engin Evren according to Article 230 of the TPC (neglect of duty). (Evrensel-TIHV, Octobre 31, 2002)
Lawyers on Trial in Ankara
On 31 October (today) Ankara Criminal Court No. 1 concluded the case of 27 lawyers in connection with a hearing at Ankara Heavy Penal Court on 5 December 2000. The court acquitted the defendants on the grounds that the “elements of crime was not realized”. In this trial the lawyers Medeni Ayhan, Nurten Çaglar, Fahriye Belgün, Dilek Midik, Vahide Özgür Sariyildiz, Sevil Ceylan, Aytül Kaplan, Devrim Karakülah, Riza Karaman, Gaye Dinçel, Hüseyin Yüksel Biçen, Nuray Özdogan, Nazan Betül Vangölü, Vedat Aytaç, Haci Ali Özhan, Filiz Kalayci, Suna Coskun, Kazim Bayraktar, Gülizar Tuncer, Ibrahim Ergün, Selçuk Kozagaçli, Sevim Akat, Keles Öztürk, Göksel Arslan, Zeki Rüzgar, Mecit Engeci and Oya Aydin were charged with misconduct of duty according to Article 240 TPC. (TIHV, Octobre 31, 2002)
Conscientious Objector Arrested in Mersin
On 24 October conscientious objector Mehmet Bal was arrested in Mersin and put in Adana Military Prison. He had started his military service in May 1995, but on 9 September 1995 he was arrested in connection with a criminal offence. He was released on 23 May 2002 and continued his military service. He declared his objection to do military service on 18 October, when he was sent on holidays. He said that he had done 9.5 months of his service, but could not continue serving in an institution based on absolute obedience, where nobody would ask whether he wanted to participate in a war of the USA. He added that he was not a deserter, and therefore, he went to his unit on 24 October to give back his military ID and get his belongings. Shortly afterwards he was detained. The War Resisters of Turkey (http://www.savaskarsitlari.org/) are calling for protests against the arrest and some international organizations such as Connection e.V. (http://www.Connection-eV.de) have joined in. Supporters of Mehmet Bal are expected to hold a press conference at the Istanbul branch of the Human Rights Association on 31 October. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, Octobre 31, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Diyarbakir
Diyarbakir Vice-Chief of Police, Atilla
Çinar announced
the detention of 30 people, said to have formed the radical Islamic
organization
“Islamic Revolutionary Movement of Kurdistan” (KIDH) aiming at
establishing
a Kurdish State based on religious principles. The group under the
leadership
of teacher Mehmet Pektas had organized in Diyarbakir, Batman, Van,
Elazig,
Malatya and Gaziantep and was prepared to take up an armed struggle.
The
operations against this group had started 5 days ago. Although
Çinar
claimed that all its leaders had been detained, he did not reveal
further
names. Meanwhile relatives of Seyhmus Akat, junior lawyer in
Diyarbakir,
the students Nurettin Gülcü, Bayram Kiliç, Gülcan
Bahtiyar and Mahmut Hocaoglu and the baker Ertekin Kaplan went to the
Diyarbakir
branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and asked for help.
(Cumhuriyet-TIHV,
Octobre 31, 2002)
PRESSIONS SUR LES MEDIAS / PRESSURE ON THE MEDIA
Le rédacteur en chef d'Info-Türk sera traduit en justice dès qu'il rentrera dans son pays
Un des plus anciens journalistes de la Turquie, Dogan Özgüden, vient d'être inculpé pour un article qu'il avait écrit à une revue turque à l'occasion du 30e anniversaire de l'exécution de trois leaders de la jeunesse progressiste. Il est accusé d'avoir insulté l'Armée en vertu de l'article 159 du Code pénal turc et tous les postes-frontières ont reçu l'ordre de le déférer immédiatement à la justice dès qu'il rentrera en Turquie.
Par coïncidence, cette décision du tribunal pénal de première instance N°1 d'Istanbul, datée du 27 septembre 2002, a été prise au 50e anniversaire du début de la carrière journaliste d'Özgüden et alors qu'Ankara exigeait que l'Union européenne annonce une date pour le commencement des négociations sur son adhésion. Les autorités d'Ankara affirment que le délit d'opinion aurait été éradiqué des articles du Code pénal dont l'article 159.
En vertu du même article, le procureur de la République a inculpé également le journaliste-écrivain Emin Karaca pour un article qu'il avait écrit à la même occasion ainsi que l'éditeur responsable de la revue Türkiye'de ve Avrupa'da Yazin (Littérature en Turquie et en Europe), Mehmet Emin Sert, pour avoir publié ces deux articles en question.
Dogan Özgüden, dans son article intitulé "Après 30 ans", critiquait la position que l'Armée turque a prise à la fin des années 60 àvec les classes dominantes contre la classe ouvrière et la jeunesse progressiste. Il soulignait que les leaders de la jeunesse progressiste ont été pris comme la cible principale de la terreur militaire dès qu'ils avaient manifesté leur opposition à cette nouvelle prise de position de l'armée. "C'est la raison pour laquelle l'Armée fit exécuter trois leaders de la jeunesse, Deniz Gezmis, Yusuf Arslan et Hüseyin Inan. Un autre leader de la jeunesse progressiste, Mahir Cayan, et ses camarades ont été tués par bombes et par balles pour la même raison. Cette position répressive de l'Armée s'est poursuivie dans les années 80 et 90, et même après l'an 2000."
Özgüden, 66 ans, a commencé ses activités professionnelles le 9 septembre 1952 à Izmir. Après avoir travaillé dans les journaux Ege Günesi, Sabah Postasi, Milliyet, Öncü, Gece Postasi, Sosyal Adalet à Istanbul, il a été le rédacteur en chef et l'éditorialiste du plus grand quotidien de gauche Aksam (1964-66) et de la revue socialiste Ant (1967-71).
Özgüden et son épouse, Inci Tugsavul, ont été inculpés dans plus de 50 procès d'opinion pour les articles qu'ils ont écrits ou publiés dans la revue Ant. Menacés d'un total de 300 ans de prison, ils ont dû quitter la Turquie après le coup d'état militaire de 1971.
Depuis 1974, ils dirigent à Bruxelles l'agence de presse Info-Türk qui informe l'opinion publique de la situation des droits de l'homme en Turquie. http://www.info-turk.be
Özgüden et Tugsavul, comme plus de 200 autres opposants du régime en exil, ont été privés de la nationalité turque en 1982 en raison de leurs critiques vis-à-vis de la junte militaire. Bien que cette décision ait été annulée dix ans plus tard, le ministère des affaires étrangères n'a jamais répondu à la demande qu'on leur délivre une garantie écrite qu'en cas de retour ils ne seraient pas inculpés et emprisonnés pour les accusations portées contre eux par le même ministère devant la Commission européenne des droits de l'homme.
Un des anciens dirigeants de l'Association des Journalistes, du Syndicat des Journalistes et du Conseil de l'étique de la presse en Turquie, Özgüden est actuellement membre de l'Association des Journalistes de Turquie (TGC), l'Association des journalistes professionnels de Belgique (AGJPB), de la Lige belge des droits de l'Homme (LDDH) et du Mouvement contre le racisme et de la xénophobie (MRAX)
Il est l'auteur de plusieurs livres, notamment Sur le fascisme
(1965,
Istanbul), Sur le capitalisme (1966, Istanbul), Le dossier sur la
Turquie
(1972, France), Le fascisme et la résistance en Turquie (1973,
Pays-Bas),
Les médias et les immigrés turcs (Belgique, 1983), Le
portrait
de l'immigration turque (Belgique, 1984), Le livre noir sur la
"démocratie"
militariste en Turquie (Belgique, 1986), L'extrême-droite en
Turquie
(Belgique, 1988).
AGJPB proteste officiellement contre l'inculpation d'Özgüden
Réagissant contre l'inculpation de Dogan Özgüden en Turquie, l'Association Générale des Journalistes Professionnels de Belgique (AGJPB), le 23 octobre 2002, a envoyé un message de protestation à la ministre de la Justice de Turquie:
Voici le texte du message de l'AGJPB:
"Madame la Ministre de la Justice,
"Concerne: notre membre Dogan Özgüden, journaliste professionnel belge.
"L'Association Générale des Journalistes Professionnels de Belgique (AGJPB), union professionnelle reconnue représente les intérêts matériels et moraux de ses 4000 membres qui portent en Belgique le titre légal de journaliste professionnel.
"Monsieur Dogan Özgüden, journaliste professionnel membre de notre union, est à nouveau menacé d'être arrêté en Turquie puisqu'il a été inculpé en date du 27 septembre dernier par le tribunal pénal de première instance d'Istanbul, sur base de l'article 159 du code pénal turc, pour "insultes à l'armée".
"La liberté de la presse et la liberté d'opinion sont les fondements de tout Etat démocratique. Dans le cadre de la future adhésion à l'U.E., votre gouvernement a annoncé qu'il n'y aurait plus de délits d'opinion en Turquie. Ces nouvelles poursuites à charge d'un journaliste en raison de l'exercice de sa liberté de penser et d'écrire contredisent de manière évidente vos déclarations.
"Notre union professionnelle proteste officiellement contre l'inculpation de Monsieur Özgüden par les autorités judiciaires turques. Elle informera par ailleurs les autorités européennes et belges de la situation et des menaces graves qui pèsent sur notre membre.
"Recevez, madame la Ministre, nos salutations.
"Martine Simonis
"Secrétaire nationale"
RSF réagit contre l'inculpation d'Özgüden et deux autres journalistes
Le tribunal pénal de première instance d'Istanbul a décidé, le 27 septembre 2002, d'inculper pour "insulte à l'armée" le rédacteur en chef de l'agence de presse Info-Türk, Dogan Ozgüden, le journaliste-écrivain free-lance Emin Karaca et l'éditeur de la revue "Türkiye'de ve Avrupa'da Yazin", Mehmet Emin Sert.
"Si ces journalistes sont condamnés pour insulte à l'armée, la Turquie trahira les engagements qu'elle a pris envers l'Union européenne", a déclaré Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de RSF, dans une lettre adressée à la ministre de la Justice, Aysel Celikel. "Les réformes démocratiques annoncées en faveur de la liberté de la presse doivent être mises en application. L'article 159 du code pénal turc condamnant les "insultes envers les institutions de l'Etat" ne doit plus permettre de poursuivre abusivement des journalistes", a-t-il ajouté.
A l'occasion du 30e anniversaire de l'exécution de trois leaders du mouvement d'extrême gauche "jeunesse progressiste", Ozgüden et Karaca avaient publié des articles dans le numéro d'avril de la revue "Türkiye'de ve Avrupa'da Yazin", intitulés respectivement "Après 30 ans" et "Réminiscences de 30 ans". Ces articles mettaient en cause l'armée dans l'assassinat de plusieurs leaders de la "jeunesse progressiste" dans les années 60.
Les journalistes sont poursuivis pour "insulte à l'armée", en vertu de l'article 159 du code pénal turc. Leur procès se tiendra à Istanbul le 26 novembre. Un mandat d'arrêt a été lancé contre Ozgüden, qui vit en exil en Belgique depuis le coup d'Etat militaire de 1971.
RSF rappelle qu'en 2001, plus de cinquante journalistes ont comparu devant les tribunaux turcs pour leurs écrits. Malgré les réformes démocratiques engagées dans la perspective de l'adhésion à l'Union européenne, l'année 2002 n'a pas vu d'amélioration significative de la situation. Quatre journalistes sont actuellement emprisonnés pour leur responsabilité dans la diffusion d'informations et de publications considérées par les autorités comme des menaces pour l'ordre public ou l'unité de l'Etat. Les journalistes osant aborder des sujets tabous comme le pouvoir de l'armée, le problème kurde ou les revendications islamistes sont constamment inquiétés.
Pour tout renseignement complémentaire, veuillez
contacter Jean-Christophe
Menet, RSF, 5, rue Geoffroy Marie, Paris 75009, France, tél: +33
1 44 83 84 84, téléc: +33 1 45 23 11 51, courrier
électronique:
europe@rsf.org, Internet: http://www.rsf.org (RSF/IFEX, 17 octobre
2002)
Witch Hunt: Scientist Haluk Gerger not allowed to the USA though he had a 10-year visa
Anti-terror hysteria now takes as target not only "Islamist terror" suspects, but also secular human rights defenders who can never be labeled as "terrorist" or "Islamist". This is the case for famous political scientist Dr. Haluk Gerger of Turkey.
On October 1st, Gerger and his wife flew to the USA. At New York airport he was stopped and told that his visa, issued in 1999 for a period of 10 years, had been cancelled by the State Department.
Taking no heed of his objections, US officers immediately sent back the couple to Munich abroad the same plane after having shot his photos and taken fingerprints.
Gerger is among a number of social scientists in Turkey who have been prosecuted for exercising their right to freedom of expression.
A former assistant professor at the University of Ankara, Dr. Gerger is a well-known intellectual and a respected writer on nuclear weapons and strategy. He was educated at the Paul Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) of John Hopkins University in Washington, DC, Stockholm University in Sweden, and Herford College in Oxford, England.
Following the 1980 military coup, Dr. Gerger was one of the authors of the "Intellectuals' Petition" criticizing the military's actions, which was addressed to the head of the military junta. A military court acquitted Dr. Gerger of any charges related to the petition; however, he was among hundreds of professors fired when the university system was restructured in 1982.
A founding member of the Human Rights Association of Turkey (IHD), Dr. Gerger is an ardent defender of Kurdish rights. He has written extensively on the issue and has criticized governmental policies. He has likened the Turkish government's treatment of the Kurds to Serbia's ethnic cleansing of Muslims in Bosnia. He has been imprisoned and heavily fined by Turkish courts for writing letters and articles expressing his political opinions.
Upon his release from prison, the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) honored Dr. Gerger during its 1996 Annual Meeting in recognition of the contribution he has made, through both action and example, to the promotion and protection of human rights in Turkey.
At this meeting,. Dr. Gerger spoke passionately about the violence and human rights violations occurring in the southeast of Turkey. He urged scientists to "exert pressure on both the government of the United States and Turkey on behalf of peace, freedom, and respect for human rights," and added that, "these are all values very much relevant to, or rather, preconditions for scientific endeavor."
Same year, Dr. Gerger was also one of the recipients of the Hellman/Hammett grants awarded by Human Rights Watch to writers around the world whose books have been banned or who have been exiled, imprisoned, tortured, or harassed because of their work.
After the refusal of his entrance to the USA,
Dr. Gerger
stated that this treatment was part of the 11 September syndrome, but
cannot
prevent him from defending human rights and fighting against the USA's
belligerent policies.
Sanar Yurdatapan's open letter to the US Ambassador
On the refusal of scientist Haluk Gerger's entrance into the USA, the Spokesperson of the Initiative for Freedom of Expression, Sanar Yurdatapan, addressed on October 10, 2002, the following open letter to the US Ambassador in Turkey:
"I am writing to express my deep dismay at the manner in which USA Immigration Service treated former former prisoner of opinion Dr Haluk Gerger when he arrived at NY Newark airport on 1st of October, 2002. It is very galling for those who are struggling to establish freedom of expression in Turkey, to see the United States, constitutionally committed to free speech, behave in such a peremptory manner to an individual who has sacrificed his academic position and even his own liberty because he was not afraid to speak out. In the 1995 State Department Report on Human Rights Practices, the imprisonment of Haluk Gerger was shown as an example of Turkey's lack of respect for civil liberties. His treatment as persona non grata in 2002 makes us wonder if the United States is now endorsing the Turkish state's restrictions on freedom of expression, or whether the Interior Department does not bother to read Department of State human rights reports.
"The incident was reported by the Brussels based Info-Turk agency as follows (…)
"Now, I have been invited as a guest of Human Rights Watch to take part in meetings in New York, Washington, Los Angeles and San Francisco from 9-23 November, and I have a few but very direct and clear questions:
"1. What is the excuse for this treatment? Does US administration consider Dr Gerger a "terrorist"?. Does it now accept the definition of terrorism contained in Turkey's Anti-Terror Law, which the State Department report noted is "used frequently to limit freedom of expression." Dr. Gerger served a twenty month sentence under this wretched law. Is insult to be added to his injury?
"2. If so, I need to know now whether I can expect the same fate when I arrive in the USA as Human Rights Watch's guest. You will understand that I would rather know now, before I set out across the Atlantic.
"3. I have already asked Human Rights Watch to cancel my proposed meetings with State administration. I am also ready to cancel my whole trip if this is not a terrible mistake and the same treatment awaits me in USA.
"I hope that this nightmare was nothing but a
mistake
and you will apologize to Dr. Gerger, for this disgraceful treatment."
PEN protests U.S. treatment of Haluk Gerger
The following is a 22 October 2002 PEN American Center and PEN USA West press release, followed by an 11 October 2002 PEN letter to Secretary of State Colin Powell and Attorney General John Ashcroft:
Writer and Political Scientist Haluk Gerger, Wife Barred Entry on October 1, 2002; PEN Presses for Explanation, Reinstatement of Visa
New York and Los Angeles, October 22, 2002 - PEN American Center and PEN USA West, the two U.S.-based centers of International PEN, today released copies of a letter they have sent to Secretary of State Colin Powell and Attorney General John Ashcroft demanding that the State Department re-issue a visa to Haluk Gerger, a prominent Turkish writer and human rights activist who was denied entry by immigration officials at Newark International Airport on October 1, 2002. In releasing the letter, representatives of both centers of the global writers' association called the action a troubling example of how aspects of post-9/11 anti-terror legislation appear to undercut positions and values the U.S. has long advanced overseas. PEN also expressed fears that new visa restrictions may affect the free movement of peoples and ideas at a time when open international exchanges are critical to the success of U.S. policy initiatives.
Haluk Gerger is a respected writer and political scientist who was imprisoned twice in Turkey in the 1990s for articles relating to the armed conflict with Turkey's Kurdish minority. In 1994 and 1995, the U.S. State Department's annual human rights country reports cited the jailing of Professor Haluk Gerger as an example of how the Turkish government has misused Anti-Terror laws to violate the free speech rights of writers, journalists, publishers, academics, and students. In 1999, with Professor Gerger again under indictment and facing additional jail terms, the United States offered an even more concrete kind of solidarity, issuing Gerger a 10-year visa. But this month, when Gerger and his wife landed at Newark airport for a U.S. visit, he was informed that his visa had been cancelled by the State Department. He was photographed and fingerprinted, and the couple was forced to return to Europe.
In their joint letter to the Secretary of State and the Attorney General [see below], PEN American Center and PEN USA West note that prior to September 11, 2001, the United States consistently protested the jailing of writers and journalists under anti-terror laws in Turkey and actively sought to preserve their right to seek, receive, and impart information, including their right to travel to the United States. Warning that withdrawing such support could weaken U.S. efforts to promote democratization and human rights around the world, PEN requests a review of the decision to deny Professor Gerger entry into the U.S. and an immediate reinstatement of his visa.
"If we allow the Turkish government to brand Haluk Gerger a terrorist because he has exercised his rights of free expression, then the word 'terrorist' has been deprived of all meaning," said K. Anthony Appiah, Chair of the Freedom to Write Committee of PEN American Center. "Surely what we need now, above all, is to strengthen the hands of the friends of human rights around the world, not to join with those who would persecute them."
Aimee Liu, President of PEN USA West, agreed. "Professor Gerger has put not only his professional reputation but his life in jeopardy for championing freedom of speech. The U.S. government's humiliation of the Gergers is inexplicable and shameful," she said.
PEN American Center and PEN USA West are two of
the largest
in a global network of 131 centers around the world that make up
International
PEN. PEN's mission is to promote literature and protect free expression
whenever writers or their work are threatened. Internationally, PEN
defends
writers from censorship, harassment, and imprisonment, as guaranteed by
Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In addition,
in
the United States PEN defends the First Amendment and protects free
speech
through sign-on letter campaigns, direct appeals to policy makers,
participation
in lawsuits and intervention in legal cases, awards for First Amendment
defenders, and public events."
Des chaînes de télévision suspendues pour avoir violé les lois électorales
Les autorités turques ont décidé de suspendre quatre chaînes de télévision, dont trois appartenant à l'homme d'affaires controversé Cem Uzan, pour avoir violé les lois électorales à l'approche des législatives du 3 novembre, a-t-on appris jeudi du Haut conseil de l'audiovisuel (RTUK).
Kanal 6, Star et Star Max du groupe Uzan seront suspendues chacune pour six jours, alors que la chaîne d'information câblée Haberturk sera suspendue pour cinq jours, à la suite d'une décision du haut conseil électoral (YSK), a indiqué un porte-parole à l'AFP.
Le RTUK décidera ultérieurement des dates de ces suspensions, selon le porte-parole.
Les chaînes du groupe Uzan diffusent à profusion les discours prononcés par Cem Uzan lors de rassemblements de son parti récemment fondé, le Jeune parti (Genc parti), qui progresse dans les sondages à l'approche des élections.
Les lois électorales interdisent la diffusion de messages électoraux à plus de 7 jours des élections et les journaux télévisés sont censés accorder un même temps d'antenne aux différents partis pendant la campagne électorale.
La suspension de Haberturk a également été décidée en raison de sa partialité, cette fois vis-à-vis d'un candidat, l'ancien ministre de l'économie Kemal Dervis. Cette chaîne a diffusé des séquences montrant M. Devis avec comme fond sonore une chanson populaire qui déplore la situation du pays.
Le groupe Uzan est le propriétaire de la firme turque de téléphonie mobile Telsim Mobil qui est en conflit judiciaire aux Etats-Unis avec les géants américain Motorola et finlandais Nokia qu'elle aurait floués.
Motorola et Nokia ont intenté
conjointement en
mars dernier une action en justice à New York pour racket et
autres
activités frauduleuses et réclament plus de 3 milliards
de
dollars à la firme Telsim Mobil. (AFP, 2 octobre 2002)
Turkish singer charged in balloon incident
A court began trying one of Turkey's most popular singers Thursday on charges she insulted the Turkish flag by kicking balloons emblazoned with its image, a local news agency reported.
Prosecutors have demanded up to six months in prison for Hulya Avsar, a popular singer and actress, after she kicked several red balloons that were in her way as she walked to meet guests on her TV show earlier this year, the Anatolia news agency reported.
The balloons -- depicting the crescent and star of the Turkish flag -- were used as decoration by the private Show TV station. It aired the Avsar program in April to support the Turkish soccer team, which was participating in the World Cup for the first time since 1954.
Under Turkish laws, the flag may not be depicted on objects and must never touch the ground.
Avsar's lawyer, Osman Hacibekiroglu told the
court his
client was not aware that balloons with Turkish flags were being used
as
decoration. Avsar did not attend the hearing.
The program's producer, an assistant, and the
suppliers
of the balloons were also charged, and all face six months in prison if
convicted. (AP, October 17, 2002)
La Turquie condamnée pour violation de la liberté d'expression
La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a condamné mardi la Turquie à dédommager une journaliste turque dont la revue bimensuelle avait été saisie en 1994 à la suite d'articles sur la communauté kurde.
La Cour a condamné la Turquie à verser 2.000 euros de dommages et intérêts à Ayce Öztürk sur la base de l'article 10 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme qui garantit le droit à la liberté d'expression.
Le journal de Mme Öztürk avait été saisi à trois reprises pour propagande séparatiste en raison d'articles incriminant la politique suivie par la Turquie à l'égard du peuple kurde.
Dans ses articles, Mme Öztürk dénonçait violemment la politique officielle à l'égard des Kurdes parlant notamment de "machine à tyranniser et à massacrer" et de l'"oppression colonialiste" qui "force les Kurdes à l'immigration".
Dans son arrêt la cour a considéré que ces saisies s'apparentaient à une interdiction censurant la profession même de la requérante et l'obligeant à s'abstenir de toute publication pouvant être jugée contraire aux intérêts de l'Etat.
Elle a estimé par ailleurs que par ces mesures la Turquie limitait l'aptitude de la journaliste "à exposer publiquement des thèses notamment sur le problème kurde qui ont leur place dans un débat public".
La Cour a par ailleurs rendu un arrêt
condamnant
la Turquie à verser 7.500 euros de dommages et
intérêts
à trois ressortissant turcs -deux syndicalistes et le
représentant
d'un journal- condamnés en 1994 pour propagande
séparatiste
par la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat et dont la Cour de
Strasbourg
estime qu'ils n'ont pas eu droit à un procès
équitable.
(AFP, 15 octobre 2002)
RSF poursuivie par un général turc pour atteinte au droit à l'image
L'association Reporters sans frontières (RSF) est poursuivie par l'ancien chef d'état-major des armées turques, le général Huseyin Kivrikoglu, "pour atteinte au droit à l'image".
L'audience s'est tenue le mercredi 16 octobre au
tribunal
de grande instance de Paris. Lors de l'audience, le tribunal a
indiqué
qu'il fixerait le 20 novembre la date de l'audience, "la partie turque
ayant, selon RSF, demandé au président, au vu des
pièces
et conclusions de notre avocat, de renvoyer l'affaire".
Le 3 mai, à l'occasion de la Journée internationale de la liberté de la presse, RSF avait épinglé sur une mappemonde géante les portraits des 38 "prédateurs de la liberté de la presse", selon elle, dans le hall de la gare Saint-Lazare à Paris.
La présence du portrait d'Hüseyin Kivrikoglu, alors chef d'état-major des armées turques, parmi les "prédateurs de la liberté de la presse" avait provoqué des incidents lors de cette exposition et suscité de très vives réactions en Turquie.
Selon l'assignation, le général reproche notamment à RSF d'avoir placé "sa photographie à même le sol de la gare Saint-Lazare, afin que les voyageurs et personnes visitant l'exposition marchent sur son visage" et d'avoir placé "sa photo sur son site Internet avec des commentaires qui portent atteinte à sa dignité".
Pour Robert Ménard, secrétaire général de RSF, "la loi sur le droit à l'image est, une fois de plus, détournée de son objet". "Ce tour de passe-passe juridique nous prive d'un vrai débat de fond sur les violations de la liberté de la presse en Turquie ", ajoute-t-il.
Reporters sans frontières "rappelle qu'en
2001,
plus de cinquante journalistes ont comparu devant les tribunaux turcs
pour
leurs écrits". "Malgré les réformes
démocratiques
engagées dans la perspective de l'adhésion à
l'Union
européenne, l'année 2002 n'a pas vu d'amélioration
significative de la situation", affirme le communiqué. (AFP,
14-16
octobre 2002)
CYPRUS: Opposition journalists released from prison
An appeals court in the northern breakaway region of Cyprus yesterday released from prison two journalists with the opposition daily Afrika, according to international press reports.
On August 8, a court of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) sentenced Afrika editor-in-chief Sener Levent and editor Memduh Ener to six months in prison for libeling Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktash in a July 1999 article titled "Who is the number one traitor?" The journalists appealed the sentence.
Yesterday an appeals court ruled that their six-month prison sentences were too severe, reduced them to six weeks, and released the journalists, who had already served eight weeks in prison.
The prison sentence was "political," Levent told CPJ through a translator in a telephone interview today. "Luckily, we have some democratic judges who follow European laws."
Levent added that his staff and their families continue to receive threats, and that new lawsuits are being filed against the newspaper. He also said that he is unable to travel abroad because northern Cypriot authorities have confiscated his passport and identity papers.
Afrika, previously called Avrupa, is based in northern Cyprus and is known for its critical coverage of Turkish military forces occupying the northern third of the Mediterranean island and their efforts to obstruct reunification with the internationally recognized Greek Cypriot government in the south.
Progress in case of journalist murdered in 1996
Meanwhile, the European Court for Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, is moving ahead with the case of Turkish Cypriot journalist Kutlu Adali, who was assassinated in 1996.
The court held its first hearing on the case on January 31 and is planning to hear witnesses later this month, according to Emma Hellyer, a spokeswoman at the court.
Adali, a left-wing opposition journalist for the daily Yeni Duzen, was gunned down outside of his home on the evening of July 6, 1996. His wife filed a case against Turkey in 1997, claiming that Turkish and TRNC agents were involved in the killing.
Adali had opposed the division of Cyprus,
criticized the
policies of Denktash and Turkey, and received death threats prior to
his
assassination. An ultra-nationalist group with links to Turkish
security
forces claimed responsibility for the killing, and Turkish Cypriot
authorities
failed to investigate the case.(CPJ/IFEX, October 7, 2002)
Former editor sentenced to 12 and a half years in prison
Asiye Güzel Zeybek, a former editor of a radical newspaper, was sentenced on October 6, to 12 and a half years in prison for involvement in an "illegal" organisation. Zeybek, who was released in June pending the court decision, lodged an appeal against the sentence with the Supreme Court. She remains free pending the appeal hearing. International PEN is shocked by the length of Zeybek's sentence and urges that her extraordinarily long pre-trial detention, as well as other concerns about ill-treatment while she was detained, be taken into account by the appeal court. The organisation urges that she not be forced to return to prison.
Zeybek was sentenced by the Istanbul State Security Court, in absentia, to 12 and a half years in prison, alongside three other defendants who received similar terms. When the sentence was announced, Zeybek was in Sweden to receive the PEN Tucholsky Award, granted annually to writers who have been persecuted, threatened or are in exile. She is not required to return to Turkey while her case is under appeal. It has been reported that Zeybek's book on her experiences in prison is currently under investigation by the security services.
BACKGROUND: Arrested in February 1997 during a
demonstration
protesting alleged links between Mafia groups and the government,
Zeybek,
now aged 31, was held in pre-trial detention until her release on 5
June
2002 pending the outcome of her trial. Accused for her connections with
the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLCP, now defunct), Zeybek is
being
tried under Article 168 of the Turkish Penal Code for membership in an
"illegal organisation". The indictment, dating from 21 June 1994,
accuses
her of running and distributing the MLCP journal" Isçinin Yolu"
("Worker's Path"). During an 8 October 1997 trial hearing, Zeybek
claimed
to have been raped while under interrogation at the Istanbul Security
Directorate
Political Department. On 24 October 1997, her complaint against eight
policemen
was accepted following a report confirming the attack from the
Psycho-Social
Traumatology Centre in Istanbul. The officers were brought to trial in
November 1998. However, on 1 November 2000, the court decided not to
proceed
with the eight policemen's prosecution. (WiPC/IFEX, 6 October 2002)
Police evict journalists from Turkish occupied area
The European Federation of Journalists, which represents more than 200,000 journalists throughout Europe, today voiced its strong support for Cypriot and Spanish journalists after police evicted a group of them from the Turkish occupied part of Nicosia.
On Monday, a group of Spanish journalists, taking part in a European Union supported seminar, were kicked out of the area by Turkish Cypriot police who disrupted their meeting.
The group had passed the green line officially in order to meet non-governmental organisations and Turkish Cypriot journalists.
The meeting had just started when police showed up and asked the group to leave. They threatened to use force if they did not leave voluntarily.
"Once again we see the hard-faced attitude of the Ralf Denktash administration," said Gustl Glattfelder, EFJ Chairman. "This regime has no interest in press freedom or the free flow of information. This hostile action is a flagrant violation of internationally recognized fundamental rights."
The European Federation of Journalists is demanding that the Turkish Government rein in the Denktash regime "to prove that they are serious about press rights and freedoms," and the seriousness of its application to join the European Union.
"This continued harassment and intimidation of journalists going about their lawful business is completely unacceptable," said Glattfelder. "It is time for Turkey to show that it means what it says when it talks about democracy and human rights in the region."(IFJ/IFEX, 18 October 2002)
Violations of thought freedom in brief
Journalist on Trial in Milas
On 1 October Milas Penal Court continued the trial of Talat Efendioglu, owner of the local newspaper "Önder", and the journalist Hulusi Erdem. Former Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Türk had accused them of insulting his official title in an article of 14 August 2001 entitled "Hikmet Sami Türk: An Uninformed Minister, who puts prosecutors on trial and who is slapped into his face by judges". Hulusi Erdem said that the article of 14 August had criticized the attitude of the Minister on the changes to Article 312 TPC, the Law on Trials of Civil Servants and the fact that Mr. Türk had opened a case against the prosecutor Nuh Mete Yüksel. The journalists are tried according to Article 266 TPC (insult because of official position), Article 268/4 TPC (offence committed via the press), Article 482 TPC (cursing) and Article 18 of the Press Law numbered 5680. If convicted they had to expect a sentence of 7 years' imprisonment. The hearing was adjourned to 19 November. (BIA-TIHV, October 3, 2002)
Journal Kaldiraç Closed in Istanbul
The case against the journal "Kaldiraç" opened for an article in the June edition on the death fast action ended on 3 October. Istanbul SSC ruled that the article had cited from statements by illegal organizations and ordered the closure of the journal for 7 days. The journal was also fined TL 225 million. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 4, 2002)
Journalists on Trial in Ankara
On 1 October Ankara Judicial Court No. 27 fined Taylan Bilgiç, editor-in-chief of the daily "Günlük Evrensel" and the journalist Serpil Kurtay TL 2.5 billion for an article of 10 September 2001 under the title "Forged Report from the Prosecutor". The article had claimed that the public prosecutor in Ankara Özden Tönük had not contacted the police officers in question, when investigating and reporting on the case of the "disappearance" of Kenan Bilgin. Kenan Bilgin had gone missing after he had been detained in Ankara on 12 September 1994 on the accusations of being a member of the "Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey" (TDKP). On 17 July 2001 the European Court of Human Rights had awarded his brother 270,000 French francs (FRF) for pecuniary, non-pecuniary damage and for legal costs and expenses. (Bia-TIHV, October 4, 2002)
Trial on "Freedom of Thought ? 2001"
On 7 October Istanbul SSC started to hear the case of publisher Sanar Yurdatapan and Yilmaz Çamlibel in connection with the booklet "Freedom of Thought ? 2001". They are charged under Article 162 TPC with publishing material, declared a crime by law and Article 16/4 of the Press Law holding publishers responsible in line with authors and translators. Sanar Yurdatapan criticized that the court case had only been launched against two of the 11 people, who signed the booklet as publishers. The other nine persons, Noam Chomsky, Emine Senlikoglu, Eren Keskin, Fehmi Koru, Fikret Baskaya, Mehmet Kutlular, Nevin Berktas, Mehmet Bekaroglu and Abdurrahman Dilipak had not been indicted. Yurdatapan will also complain to the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors alleging that the prosecutor Muzaffer Yalçin violated the principle of equality. On 23 January Sanar Yurdatapan and Yilmaz Çamlibel had distributed the booklet in front of the state security court and afterwards filed complaints against themselves. The booklet contains speeches and articles by Abdurrahman Dilipak, Celal Baslangiç, Emine Senlikoglu, Eren Keskin, Fehmi Koru, Fikret Baskaya, Mehmet Kutlular, Nevin Berktas, Noam Chomsky and Yilmaz Çamlibel and the petition of Serhat Azizoglu, Mürsel Sargut, Özcan Özsoy, Abdülkadir Tunç, Nurcan Akyol, Mehmet Sögüt, Abdülcelil Kaya, M. Halit Çölgeçen, Hasim Gülen, Kenan Tilki, Ercan Yilmaz, Hüseyin Gökot, Handan Arslan and Ismail Meriçuyarinca on education in Kurdish. (TIHVl-TIHV, October 8, 2002)
New bans on electoral broadcast
The High Election Council (YSK) ordered the closure for five days each for the radio stations Kral FM and Metro FM. The High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK) announced that the ban would start at midnight on 7 October. YSK accused the radio stations of partial broadcasting by only transmitting the speeches of the leader of the Young Party (GP), Cem Uzan, for 24 hours on 18 September. Meanwhile the order to stop implementation of the 5 days' ban on broadcasting by TV station Habertürk that had been issued by Ankara Administrative Court No. 10, was lifted by the same court after receiving the statement from the High Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK). (Hürriyetl-TIHV, October 8, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Istanbul
On 8 October Istanbul SSC No. 5 continued to hear the case of Seyfullah Karakurt, editing director of the radio station "Anadolu'nun Sesi". He is charged under Article 312/2 TPC in connection with programs on the F-type prisons and the massacre in Ulucanlar Prison (Ankara). In summing up the case the prosecutor asked that the defendant should be sentenced six times for inciting the people to hatred and enmity in a way that endangered the public order. The court adjourned the hearing to 3 January 2003 for the final words of the defense. Reportedly there are other court cases against Karakurt in connection with programs on the same issue. One hearing will be held at Istanbul SSC No. 5 on 12 November and another one at Istanbul SSC No. 2 on 14 November. In one case he is tried together with the speaker Selda Demir under Article 169 TPC for news on the operation against the prisons that started on 19 December 2000.(TIHV, October 9, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Iskenderun
On 8 October Iskenderun Penal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of Ersen Korkmaz, owner of the local newspaper "Demokrat Iskenderun". He is charged in connection with news on the torture trial in connection with the allegation of rape of Fatma Deniz Polattas (at the time 19) and N.C. Samanoglu (at the time 15) in March 1999. Allegedly the paper reported on an in camera session of the court. During an earlier hearing representative of the Iskenderun branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) had confirmed that the IHD had conducted a press conference with the participation of Eren Keskin, lawyer of the two girls. The court adjourned the hearing to 26 December, waiting for an expertise report.(TIHV, October 9, 2002
Distributor Beaten in Gaziantep
Metin Acet, responsible for the distribution of the daily "Yeniden Özgür Gündem" on Gaziantep, announced that the distributor Mehmet Türkmen was beaten by officers from the department to fight terrorism, when he did not show the list of subscribers saying that he did not have it on him. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 9, 2002)
Journalist Convicted in Istanbul
On 9 October Istanbul SSC No. 6 passed its verdict on Mehmet Sevket Eygi for the article "Terror of Religious Enmity" in his column "Pages from the Calendar" in the daily "Milli Gazete". The court sentenced him and the editor-in-chief Selami Çaliskan to 20 months' imprisonment. The sentence for Caliskan was commuted to a fine of TL 1.84 billion. The court also ordered the closure of the newspaper for 3 days. (Hürriyet-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Istanbul
Istanbul SSC No. 3 decided against a retrial of Zeynel Abidin Kizilyaprak, who had been convicted under Article 8 of the Anti-Teror Law for his article in the album "Kurds from 1900 to 2000" published by the newspaper Özgür Bakis. On 5 September his lawyer Mükrime Tepe had asked for a retrial based on changes of Article 8 ATL by the Law numbered 4744 of February 2002. In December 2000 Kizilyaprak had been sentenced to 16 months' imprisonment and a fine of TL 1.6 billion. Kizilyaprak has also appealed to the European Court of Human Rights. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Journalist Punished in Istanbul
On 10 October Istanbul SSC No. 2 passed its verdict on the Kurdish journal "Azadiya Welat". The main charges related to photographs of PKK/KADEK leader Abdullah Öcalan and militants of the organization. The court acquitted the defendants Mehmet Nuri Karakoyun, owner of "Azadiya Welat" and the former editor-in-chief Mehmet Salih Turan of charges under Article 312/2 TPC and Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law. Mehmet Nuri Karakoyun was also acquitted of charges under Article 169 TPC, but Mehmet Salih Turan was sentenced to 4.5 years' imprisonment. This sentence was commuted to a fine of TL 7.8 billion and the paper was ordered to shut down for 15 days. (Özgür Politika-TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Journalist Beaten in Gaziantep
On 10 October Gökhan Imrek, reporter for the daily "Evrensel", was detained under beatings, when he followed the opening ceremony of an election office of the Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) in Bozoklar quarter of Antep. He was held at Ocaklar Police Station for 24 hours and during this time beaten and threatened not to work for "Evrensel" any more. After release Imrek said, "At Antep State Hospital I was give a report on good health, but four police officers were given reports of inability to work. I obtained such a report at the Forensic Institute. I complained to the public prosecutor and the Human Rights Association (IHD). Being accompanied by my lawyer I testified on charges of resisting the police at the police station. I said that allegation of attacking the officers and refusing to show my ID were not true." (BIA-TIHV, October 13, 2002)
Photographer on Trial in Diyarbakir
On 12 October Diyarbakir SSC acquitted the photographer Yücel Tunca from charges under Article 312 TPC. He had been detained on 24 May in Diyarbakir during his slide show entitled "Hakkari My Sweetheart" and interrogated on the assumption that some armed people shown in the pictures might be PKK militants. Although he could prove that the armed men were village guards from the Jirki and Pinyanis tribe he had to testify to the prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC on 27 May. The charges had been brought in connection with a poem on forgiveness, read out when the slides were shown. The court ruled that these words could not be interpreted as incitement of the people to hatred and enmity in a manner that endangered the public order and acquitted the defendant. (Radikal-TIHV, October 13, 2002)
Journalists on Trial in Istanbul
On 11 October Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 and Sisli Penal Court No. 2 continued to hear the case of journalist Erol Özkoray and Robert Menard, SG of the organization Reporter without Border (RSF) in connection with articles that had appeared in editions 11, 12 and 13 of the journal "Idea Politika". Sisli Penal Court adjourned the hearing to 28 May 2003. The trial here relates to an article of Özkoray in edition 13 of December 2001-Feburary 2002 entitled "Turkey betrays itself" and an interview with Menard under the title "RSF: The Turkish regime is Schizophrenic". The prosecution asked to convict both defendants for offences under Article 159 TPC. The hearing at Istanbul Criminal Court No. 2 was adjourned to 27 December. Subject of this trial are the articles "Turkey is feeling pretty bored" and "Turkey's Flop: Pandemonium" (edition 11), "What is the Army Good For", "The Penal Code against Idea" and "European Cyprus, Middle Eastern Turkey" (edition 12). The author Erol Özkoray is charged under Article 159 TPC. A separate trial against Özkoray and the journalist Nur Dolay is continuing at Istanbul SSC in connection with an article entitled "Kurdish Wound" in edition 12 of the journal. (BIA-TIHV, October 14, 2002)
Journal Odak confiscated
The 8 October edition of the journal "Odak" was confiscated by Istanbul SSC on the grounds that an article under the title of "Resistance Against the F-type Isolation is in Its Second Year" contained "propaganda for an illegal organization". (Evrensel-TIHV, October 16, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Adana
On 16 October Adana SSC No. 2 acquitted Azad Adiyaman, reporter for the weekly "Yedinci Gündem" in Mersin. He was charged with "supporting the PKK" in connection with the Newroz celebrations in Mersin in March 2002, which he allegedly attended as militant, shouting slogans and inciting the people. The court decided on acquittal after inspecting the videocassettes of the security forces. Azad Adiyaman had been imprisoned since 22 April. Earlier Mersin Penal Court had acquitted him by from charges of having damaged public property, but he was not released until the acquittal of 16 October. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 17, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Istanbul
On 17 October Istanbul SSC heard the case of Baris Açikel, editor-in-chief of the bi-weekly "Isçi-Köylü". Defending himself without a lawyer Baris Açikel rejected the charges of disseminating propaganda for an illegal organization and inciting the people to hatred and enmity. He asked for his acquittal. The court fined Açikel for the article entitled "Only Imperialism is guilty for the wars and exploitation in the World" TL 6.6 billion. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Istanbul
On 16 October Istanbul SSC No. 4 heard the case of Halil Dinç, editor-in-chief of the journal "Yeniden Atilim" on charges of membership of an illegal organization. He had been arrested on 5 July in connection with the testimony of one person dating back to 1995. Halil Dinç asked for acquittal stating that he was imprisoned in Tekirdag for being a journalist with dissident opinions. The prosecutor repeated his views of the hearing on 25 September, when he had asked for release. The court followed his argument and released Halil Dinç. (BIA-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Writer on Trial in Istanbul
Güngör Gençay, board member of the Trade Union of Turkish Writers, was indicted for two books entitled "Faces of the Day" and "The Others". The books are a compilation of articles in the dailies "Emek" and "Evrensel". The public prosecutor in Beyoglu (Istanbul) alleged that some of the articles contained insults of the parliament and the Republic and asked for punishment according to Article 159 TPC. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 20, 2002)
New Ban on TV stations
The High Election Council (YSK) banned the TV stations "Kanal 54" and "STV", broadcasting in Sakarya, for two days for violating the principles of impartiality. (BIA-TIHV, October 21, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Istanbul
On 22 October Istanbul SSC No. 1 acquitted Taylan Bilgiç, editor-in-chief of the daily "Günlük Evrensel" from charges of supporting an illegal armed organization. The case had been launched for an article of A. Cihan Soylu entitled "Support for America in the Name of Democracy". The article was published in the columns of 12 and 13 February 2000. The Court ruled that the article did not contain propaganda or support for the PKK and acquitted the journalist. (Evrensel-TIHV, October 23, 2002)
Exiled Writer Detained at his return to Turkey
On 22 October Atilla Keskin was detained at Istanbul Airport, when he returned from abroad after 24 years to sign some of his books. After the military coup of 12 March 1971 Atilla Keskin had been tried together with Deniz Gezmis, Yusuf Aslan and Hüseyin Inan and like them, he was sentenced to death, but not executed. His sentence was later commuted and he went abroad after benefiting from an amnesty. Reportedly he was detained for not having done his military service, but since the files with the arrest warrant could not be found, he was released. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 23, 2002)
A Film Banned
The Supervisory Council for Cinema, Video and Music Products in the Justice Ministry banned the short film "Pardon". Last the film by Vedat Özdemir won the special prize at the Golden Orange Festival. The film narrates the problems of a juvenile, who is detained because of his similarity in names. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 20, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Datça
On 23 October Datça Penal Court started to hear the case of Sinan Kara, owner of the local newspaper "Datça Haber" on charges of not having informed the district governor of a change of address of his newspaper. The court decided to combine this trial with another 4 cases, based on complaint by the Governor Savas Tuncer, the Müftü for Datça, Osman Aytekin and the construction work company "Meka Insaat" and adjourned the hearing to 30 October. Of the 27 cases against Sinan Kara 18 resulted in prison terms totaling 8 years and 9 months. The fines against him total TL 34 billion (more than $ 20,000). On 2 September he had been fined TL 30 billion for not providing free copies of the newspaper to the district governor. (Bianet-TIHV, October 24, 2002)
Journalist on Trial in Istanbul
On 24 October Istanbul SSC No. 1 acquitted journalist Perihan Magden and the editor-in-chief of the daily "Radikal", Hasan Çakkalkurt, from charges of having presented the Justice Minister as a target for illegal organization. The case had been opened under Article 6 of the Law No. 3713 on Fighting Terrorism for the article "End of the Tube", published on 1 August 2001. (Radikal-TIHV, October 25, 2002)
Daily Hürriyet Confiscated
Following the ban on reporting about former prosecutor at Ankara SSC, Nuh Mete Yüksel, who had been appointed public prosecutor, after a videocassette was made public that showed him having illegitimate sex, the daily "Hürriyet" was confiscated on 24 October. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, October 25, 2002)
Journal Isçi Köylü Confiscated
Istanbul SSC ordered the confiscation of edition
21 of
the newspaper "Isçi Köylü" on the grounds that some
articles
contained propaganda for an illegal organization. In Samsun Derya
Gökmen
and Derya Binay were detained on 27 October, when they distributed
leaflets
for "Isçi Köylü". (Evrensel-TIHV, October 28, 2002)
QUESTION KURDE / KURDISH QUESTION
La peine de mort d'Abdullah Ocalan commuée en prison à vie
La peine de mort prononcée par la justice turque à l'encontre du chef rebelle kurde Abdullah Ocalan a été commuée jeudi à la réclusion à perpétuité après l'abolition, cet été, de la peine capitale, en temps de paix, par le parlement turc, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.
La Cour de sûreté d'Ankara (DGM) a commué la peine prononcée en juin 1999 à l'encontre du chef du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) pour trahison et séparatisme.
Le PKK, rebaptisé aujourd'hui KADEK, a mené pendant 15 ans une lutte armée dans le sud-est du pays, à majorité kurde, pour obtenir la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant. Les combats, qui ont aujourd'hui pris fin, ont fait plus de 36.000 morts.
La décision de la Cour devait être immédiatement notifiée à Ocalan sur l'île prison d'Imrali (en mer de Marmara, au sud d'Istanbul), où il est le seul détenu, ajoute Anatolie.
L'abolition de la peine de mort sauve la tête d'Abdullah Ocalan, 54 ans, qui restera derrière les barreaux jusqu'à la fin de ses jours sans espoir d'amnistie, selon la décision du tribunal.
Elle fait partie d'une série de réformes adoptées à une large majorité par les députés turcs le 3 août dernier pour aligner la Turquie, candidate à l'Union européenne, sur les normes européennes.
La Turquie avait accepté après sa condamnation de surseoir à l'exécution d'Ocalan jusqu'à un arrêt de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme saisie par les avocats du chef kurde.
Emprisonné en 1972 pendant sept mois pour "activités pro-kurdes", il avait fondé avec quelques amis étudiants le PKK, un parti marxiste-léniniste, en novembre 1978.
Il avait fui la Turquie avant le coup d'Etat militaire de septembre 1980 et a vécu dès lors en exil, le plus souvent à Damas ou dans la plaine libanaise de la Bekaa sous contrôle syrien, où il avait installé son quartier général et un camp d'entraînement.
En août 1984, il avait opté pour la lutte armée, jugeant ses effectifs suffisants.
Considéré pendant des années en Turquie comme l'ennemi public numéro un, il avait finalement été capturé par les services secrets turcs en février 1999 au Kenya et ramené clandestinement en avion dans le pays.
La décision du parlement d'abolir la peine de mort --en temps de paix-- avait été accueillie avec joie par sa famille, mais condamnée par les familles de soldats tués pendant les 15 ans qu'a durés la rébellion armée.
Le parti nationaliste MHP, qui participe à la coalition au pouvoir et qui avait voté contre l'abolition de la peine capitale au parlement, en avait récemment appelé à la cour constitutionnelle pour faire annuler la loi.
Les autres principaux partis avaient toutefois
averti
que l'exécution d'Ocalan en fairait un martyr et nuirait aux
chances
du pays de rejoindre l'Union européenne. (AFP, 3 octobre 2002)
Conseil de l'Europe: Les conditions de détention d'Ocalan doivent être assouplies
Le leader kurde Abdullah Ocalan, désormais condamné à la prison à perpétuité en Turquie, doit sortir du régime d'isolement dans lequel il est maintenu depuis plus de trois ans, a estimé mardi le Conseil de l'Europe.
Après que la condamnation à mort du chef du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) eut été commuée jeudi en peine de prison à perpétuité par la Cour de sûreté d'Ankara, le Comité antitorture (CPT) du Conseil de l'Europe a réaffirmé qu'Ocalan devait voir ses conditions de détention assouplies.
"En premier lieu, il devrait se voir fournir un téléviseur et un téléphone, comme c'est possible dans d'autres prisons turques", a souligné un porte-parole du CPT lors d'un point de presse à Strasbourg.
"A plus long terme, il devrait sortir de son régime d'isolement, soit en étant transféré dans une autre prison, soit grâce au transfert d'autres détenus dans l'île-prison d'Imrali".
"Les autorités turques nous ont indiqué que son transfert dans une autre prison mettrait en danger sa propre sécurité. Sur l'arrivée éventuelle d'autres prisonniers, elles ne nous a pas officiellement répondu", a encore affirmé le porte-parole.
Dans un rapport publié en avril à Strasbourg, les experts du CPT, qui avaient rendu visite au prisonnier en septembre 2001, avaient déjà dit que "toute forme d'isolement" devait demeurer, "en toutes circonstances, aussi brève que possible".
La Cour de sûreté d'Ankara a
commué
jeudi la peine capitale pour trahison et séparatisme
prononcée
en juin 1999 à l'encontre d'Abdullah Ocalan. Le parlement turc
avait
adopté le 3 août plusieurs réformes importantes,
notamment
l'abolition de la peine de mort en temps de paix. (AFP, 8 octobre 2002)
Des Kurdes brûlent un drapeau turc à Tbilissi
Près de cent représentants de la minorité kurde en Géorgie ont brûlé mardi un drapeau turc au centre de Tbilissi pour protester contre le rapprochement de la direction géorgienne avec Ankara dans la sphère militaire.
"La Turquie veut asservir complètement la Géorgie et turquiser sa population", a affirmé Kakhaber Kalachov, directeur du Centre culturel kurde, en jugeant que la coopération militaire entre les deux pays faisait partie d'un plan en ce sens.
"Les Kurdes sont aussi catégoriquement opposés à la volonté de la Géorgie d'entrer dans l'Otan, car cela permettra l'entrée de troupes turques sur le territoire géorgien, ce qui reviendra à son occupation", a déclaré M. Kalachov.
La Géorgie compte une petite minorité kurde de 25.000 personnes, selon lui. La Turquie compte une forte minorité kurde dont elle réprime depuis longtemps les éléments séparatistes.
Tbilissi a noué depuis plusieurs
années
une coopération militaire avec la Turquie pour moderniser son
armée,
et les Etats-Unis forment actuellement des soldats géorgiens
à
la lutte antiterroriste. La Géorgie collabore déjà
avec l'Otan dans le cadre du Partenariat pour la paix. (AFP, 8 octobre
2002)
Menaces du PKK si un parti pro-kurde est écarté des élections
Le Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) a menacé la Turquie d'une "guerre" au cas où les autorités empêcheraient la participation d'un parti pro-kurde aux élections législatives du 3 novembre, rapporte l'agence de presse pro-kurde Mésopotamie (MHA), basée en Allemagne et reçue à l'AFP.
"La guerre sera inévitable si les moyens d'une lutte démocratique sont épuisés", a indiqué à MHA Osman Ocalan, membre du conseil présidentiel du PKK, récemment rebaptisée KADEK (Congrès pour la liberté et la démocratie au Kurdistan).
Les déclarations d'Osman Ocalan, frère du leader emprisonné Abdullah Ocalan, font suite à une récente démarche du procureur de la Cour de cassation turque, Sabih Kanadoglu, visant à écarter le DEHAP, seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections, du scrutin.
Selon M. Kanadoglu, DEHAP ne répond pas aux critères d'implantation nationale nécessaires pour se présenter aux élections.
"Si c'est le cas, cela veut dire que nous allons reprendre la guérilla au printemps", selon M. Ocalan.
Son frère, Abdullah, est le chef du PKK, condamné à la réclusion à perpétuité pour les 15 ans de lutte armée dans le sud-est du pays, à majorité kurde, pour obtenir la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant. Les combats, qui ont aujourd'hui pris fin, ont fait plus de 36.000 morts.
Le PKK a déclaré un cessez-le-feu unilatéral en 1999 après la condamnation d'Ocalan et a annoncé sa réorganisation sous le nom de KADEK afin de lutter avec des moyens démocratiques pour les droits des Kurdes.
M. Ocalan a affirmé que si aucun parti pro-kurde n'est représenté aux élections "le peuple kurde déçu (...) nous demandera de faire la guerre".
"Empêcher le DEHAP de prendre part aux élections est une invitation à la lutte armée. Les prochaines élections sont pour cette raison vitales", a-t-il estimé, appelant les kurdes à se préparer à la "rebellion".
Le DEHAP est le seul parti pro-kurde à se présenter aux élections après la décision du parti de la démocratie du peuple (HADEP) de se saborder à son profit.
Le HADEP --accusé de "liens organiques"
avec le
PKK-- craignait d'être interdit par la justice turque juste avant
le scrutin. (AFP, 10 octobre 2002)
Les Kurdes d'Irak rêvent toujours d'indépendance malgré les menaces des voisins
Les Kurdes sont en droit de réclamer un Etat indépendant, souligne un dirigeant kurde de premier plan, mais pour aussitôt ajouter que la population kurde est réaliste et se contenterait pour le moment d'un Irak fédéral.
"Il est bien sûr de notre droit légitime de vouloir établir un Etat indépendant, notre nation ayant des caractéristiques uniques, des structures politique, culturelle et sociale différentes et comptant une forte population", déclare Jawhar Nahmegh Salim dans un entretien avec l'AFP à Salaheddine.
"Mais nous constatons que dans la situation actuelle, il nous faut être réaliste dans nos objectifs et tirer le plus de gains possibles, dans le cadre de la nation irakienne", dit-il.
"Nos espoirs et aspirations, pour le moment, se limitent à ce cadre", ajoute M. Salim lors d'une rencontre cette semaine dans le quartier général de sa formation, le Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK), à Salaheddine. "Mais cela n'annule pas notre droit, en tant que peuple, à l'autodétermination", dit-il.
Le PDK, partage avec une autre formation kurde, l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK), le contrôle du Kurdistan irakien qui échappe au pouvoir central de Bagdad depuis la guerre du Golfe en 1991.
La région compte plus de 23 millions de Kurdes répartis essentiellement en Irak, Iran, Turquie et Syrie. Il s'agit d'un des plus importants groupes ethniques sans Etat propre et sa situation difficile a été propulsée au devant de la scène après les menaces américaines de renverser Saddam Hussein.
Des pays voisins de l'Irak, surtout la Turquie qui depuis des décennies combat les séparatistes kurdes, expriment de plus en plus leurs craintes qu'un renversement du président irakien puisse ouvrir la voie à l'établissement d'une zone autonome kurde.
Les deux autres voisins, la Syrie et l'Iran, qui comptent d'importantes communautés kurdes, ont également soulevé les mêmes objections à tout projet d'Etat souhaité par le PDK et l'UPK.
Pour M. Salim, l'Iran "ne s'inquiète pas trop d'un renversement de Saddam", même si publiquement il affirme son opposition à une attaque contre son ancien ennemi.
Il insiste sur le fait que les Kurdes, dont les conditions de vie sont difficiles dans cette enclave, sont "réalistes" et par conséquent veulent faire partie de l'Irak.
"Pour ce qui est de l'autodétermination, nous ne pensons pas que la conjoncture actuelle nous permette d'aller jusqu'à cette extrême", explique-t-il.
Et de nouveau il s'en prend à la Turquie, qui a menacé la semaine dernière de recourir à la force pour stopper toute démarche en vue de l'indépendance, l'accusant d'utiliser la question kurde comme un outil de chantage avant une éventuelle frappe américaine en Irak.
"Le problème de la Turquie c'est qu'elle refuse de reconnaître l'existence même des Kurdes. Mais sa rhétorique ne s'adresse pas à nous car nous avons expliqué clairement que notre objectif était de vivre au sein de l'Irak", dit-il.
"Les Turcs veulent tirer autant de bénéfices possibles de la communauté internationale, surtout des Etats-Unis, en échange de leur accord d'un changement (en Irak). Ils utilisent la question kurde comme moyen de pression pour obtenir des concessions", selon lui.
M. Salim a dénié à la Turquie le droit d'intervenir dans les affaires kurdes irakiennes.
Le PDK et l'UPK, opposés par des combats meurtriers dans les années 1990, ont récemment convenu de travailler pour une solution fédérale en Irak, pays abritant des arabes chiites et sunnites, des Turkmènes, des Assyriens et des Kurdes.
"Si de plus l'Iran commence à
s'ingérer
à cause des chiites irakiens et si les 22 membres de la Ligue
arabe
veulent intervenir en faveur des Arabes irakiens, la situation serait
hors
de contrôle", avertit M. Salim. (AFP, 18 octobre 2002)
Kurdish Courses Forbidden to Those Who Do Not Know Turkish
The main outlines of the EU adaptation directives, which have not yet been put into effect and which Motherland Party leader Mesut Yilmaz claimed were a reason to postpone elections, have been determined. The adaptation directives include very important arrangements that will lead to debates in the political arena.
According to the "Kurdish Courses" directive, which is expected to be discussed during today's Cabinet meeting and is being drafted by the Ministry of Education, people under 18 years of age and those who do not have an eight-year elementary education diploma will not be able to attend Kurdish courses. In other words, those who want to learn Kurdish will learn Turkish first and will complete an elementary Turkish education. Also, it will be forbidden for people to attend courses wearing men's headscarves, uniforms, or sweaters or shirts in yellow, red and green, which were the colors used by the in its emblem.
The directive deliberately declines to use the word "Kurdish." The statement used is, "The teaching of different mother languages and dialects traditionally used by the Turkish people."
These courses will be subject to MEB directives and regulations just as the 150 other language courses, such as those teaching English, French or Arabic, are.
The Education Council will determine the curriculum of these courses and it will be strictly forbidden to stray outside the determined program.
Lessons such as history, geography, politics, math or science cannot be taught during these courses opened with the aim of teaching Kurdish. These courses will possibly be shut down if this ban is breached. The aim is to prevent these courses from turning into alternative schools and to obviate the propaganda of separatist organizations.
RTUK is also giving its "Kurdish Broadcasts" directive final shape. The opinions of organizations such as the National Security Council and MIT were sought due to the sensitivity of the issue.
According to the first draft text that was produced, Kurdish broadcasts will only be aired through the agency of the state due to concern that certain television channels that might be supported by separatist organizations could abuse the practice of Kurdish broadcasting. Private television channels will not be able to air broadcasts in Kurdish. The TRT, however, will set aside one of its channels, such as GAP, for two hours every day in order to air broadcasts in Kurdish and in other mother tongues and dialects. However, the Cabinet will have the last word on the issue.
By means of the Implementation Directive pertaining to the acquisition of property by foundations and put into effect with State Minister Ali Dogan's coordination, minority foundations are now subject to strict auditing.
According to the drafted text, minority foundations will be able to register in title deeds within six months the property they own but which they had not been able to register in title deeds due to articles in old laws.
However, minority foundations will have to prove
such
property has been in their use for years with documents such as
electricity,
water, and natural gas bills. Another thing is that property belonging
to individuals cannot be registered in title deeds. (Sabah, September
18,
2002)
Chief prosecutor seeks charges against DEHAP
Chief prosecutor Sabih Kanadoglu on Wednesday asked the court to bring criminal charges against officials from the main pro-Kurdish Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) a day after his bid to bar the group from next month's general elections failed.
Kanadoglu asked an Ankara court to begin an investigation into DEHAP over allegations its leaders had "forged official documents", the state-run Anatolian news agency said.
The agency also said Kanadoglu was examining whether DEHAP was unconstitutional, which could lead to it being banned.
The High Election Board on Tuesday ruled against Kanadoglu's petition to strike DEHAP from the ballot for allegedly not fulfilling technical criteria.
DEHAP was formed last month after a predecessor party -- the People's Democracy Party, or HADEP -- withdrew its candidates from the elections and merged with two small left-wing parties to avoid a possible close down by the Constitutional Court.
Prosecutors have been trying to disband HADEP accusing it of being a front for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). The Constitutional Court has shut down three predecessor parties to HADEP, which has denied any links to the PKK.
Eighteen parties are contesting the elections. The Kurdish party is expected to make a strong showing in the mainly-Kurdish southeast, but fail to pass the 10 percent national threshold required to be represented in Parliament.
Kurdish parties in the past have failed to attract enough votes outside of the mainly Kurdish southeast.
European officials have urged Turkey not to outlaw HADEP and criticised a decision last month to ban HADEP leader Murat Bozlak and human rights activist Akin Birdal, both DEHAP candidates, from the November 3 election.
Turkey must do more to safeguard political and human rights if it is to further its bid to join the European Union, the European Commission said in a report this month.
Meanwhile, Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Deniz Baykal welcomed the decision of the Supreme Elections Board to allow DEHAP to enter polls.
"This decision saved Turkey from a situation that may lead to unnecessary arguments. If the board had decided to ban the party from the elections, then the legitimacy of the upcoming polls would be under question," Baykal said.
Following the decision of the board, DEHAP leader Mehmet Abbasoglu said that the board has given the best response to those who abuse the law.
He repeated his promise to put a final end to the armed conflict between security forces and an outlawed armed Kurdish group in the rugged mountains of the mainly-Kurdish southeast region.
"If we come to power, the first thing we will do
is not
to leave a single armed young man in the mountains," he reiterated.
(Turkish
Daily News, October 17, 2002)
Kurdish broadcasts subject to a thousand and one restrictions
The draft "Directive Regarding Broadcast Languages" on which the Turkish Supreme Board for Radio and Television (RTUK) has been working calls for prison sentences of from 3.5 to 14 years and monetary fines of up to 120 billion Turkish liras for the owners and managers of broadcasting facilities that broadcast without permission in languages other than Turkish.
The draft, which states that instruction in Kurdish may not be included in any form, does not require that permission be obtained for the broadcast of songs in Kurdish.
According to the draft, being put into its final form by the RTUK, which is considering alternatives on certain articles in line with the views of the General Secretariat for the EU, "broadcasts in languages and dialects traditionally used by the people in their daily lives" will be possible, but no instruction in these will be permitted.
In this context, broadcast institutions will be able to apply to the RTUK to broadcast in only one such language or dialect. The RTUK has not yet decided as to whether these broadcasts will be local, regional, or nationwide. In addition, according to the draft, television stations will be able to broadcast in languages like Kurdish for no more than two hours per week, while radio stations will be able to broadcast a total of six hours on two days within a week, with one of these days being on a weekend. While Kurdish is being broadcast on television, "an exact translation, identical in both content and time duration", must be displayed in Turkish subtitles, while radio stations will broadcast a Turkish translation immediately following the Kurdish program.
The RTUK will "seek information and documentation from the relevant official bodies" regarding those who apply to broadcast, and will grant permission to those whom it deems suitable. Applications must be accompanied by a notarized document promising that the applicant will adhere to all provisions of the law. The draft directive also contains heavy penalties in the event of its conditions being violated.
If broadcasting organizations which receive permission from the RTUK to broadcast in a language other than Turkish violate the conditions of the directive, an ascending scale of ever more onerous penalties will be applied. According to these, organizations that violate their responsibilities will be punishedin accord with article 33 of the RTUK Law.
According to this article, various warnings and monetary fines will be applied regarding those who contravene the broadcast principles, as is the case with Turkish broadcasts as well, and both temporary and permanent suspension of their broadcasts will be applied as well. In addition, the broadcast equipment of such organizations will be seized by the state.
Meanwhile, while the RTUK has been continuing its preparations on a directive for Kurdish broadcasts, it has also speeded up work regarding whether or not such broadcasts will be nationwide or regional, and whether they will be carried out by TRT [official Turkish Radio and Television].
A meeting was held on this topic the day before
yesterday.
Officials from the RTUK stated that broadcasts in the native language
could
be made on one of the regional or nationwide television stations, but
TRT
officials, giving a negative report regarding broadcasts in the native
language, said that "We cannot do this." (Turkish Daily News, October
16,
2002)
Registration Office files a complaint against a Kurdish name
Public Registration Office in southern province of Mersin has filed a complaint against Yilmaz family, who gave their seven-month baby a Kurdish name, "Rojhat", semiofficial Anatolia news agency reported.
Amid of the debate about the practice of Kurdish education and broadcasting, the laws that cleared Parliament last summer, Mersin Public Registration filed a complaint with the Mersin Court of First Instance against Yilmaz family since the name of their baby "Rojhat", which means "rising sun", contradicted the Turkish customs.
The court will hold the first hearing of the case on November 26, 2002.
Grandfather Faik Yilmaz told the Anatolia agency that they gave the baby a name which was in line with their culture, emphasizing that they would not change his name.
Mother Tenzile Yilmaz said that she would not
change his
baby's name since they were calling him Rojhat for the past seven
months
and added that a name change would badly affect the baby's psychology.
(Turkish Daily News, October 15, 2002)
Despite Turkey's EU reforms, Kurdish name problem remains
Following the Turkish Parliament's recently passed sweeping laws allowing Kurds the right to broadcast and teach in Kurdish as part of its EU bid, the Kurdish name problem has escalated. Some families wanted to give Kurdish names to their children, however their requests were turned down by the Registry of Birth Administrations on the claim that it represented contradictory meanings and that furthermore it was not in accordance with the national culture.
According to research from the Human Rights Association Diyarbakir Branch, within seven months between January and September of 2002, totally 39 families wanted to give Kurdish names to their children, however the Registry of Births Administration objected to the families' requests. On the other hand, the report also pointed out that two families decided not to name their children because of this application.
Some families, who wanted to give Kurdish names to their children, were interrogated and charged with breaking a law barring parents from giving their children names that "do not fit our national culture, ethical laws, norms and traditions" due to Article 16 in the "Law on Public Registrations" that was passed to prohibit names in contradiction to the national culture, traditions and moral values and not to cleanse the Turkish language of words of foreign origin. Furthermore, some families had been charged with supporting the rebels by giving their children traditional Kurdish names, but a court later dropped the case.
According to the report, the Registry of Births Administrations, on the claim that it represented contradictory meanings and that furthermore it was not in accordance with the national culture, objected to the names Dilan (dance-halay), Sefkan, Helin (nest), Nupelda (newly blossoming), Gulsilan (rose hip), Pelsin (green leaf), Emine Helen, Bersan (giving fame), Sutail Can, Nujiyan (new life), Berzan (knowledgeable), Berfin (snow plough), Zilan (name of a river in southeastern Anatolia), Baran (rain), Sipan (name of mountain), Zisar and Dilges (happy).
On the other hand, some families applied to the European Court and if the court finds Turkey violated the European Convention on Human Rights, it can demand a fine and request that Turkey overturn the ban.
Talking with Turkish Daily News, Selahattin Demirtas, the chairman of the Human Rights Association Diyarbakir Branch, said that despite the Interior Ministry denying the existence of such a notice banning Kurdish names, there was a notice sent to the Registry of Births Administrations. "A lawyer, Berdan Acun, who also wanted to give a Kurdish name to his child, but he was refused, has seen this notice sent by the Interior Ministry banning Kurdish Names.
Demirtas stressed that the reform to ensure the Turkish laws' accordance with the EU was passed from Parliament and the most important obstacles in front of Kurdish education was removed. "Despite the removal of these obstacles this application banning Kurdish names has been implemented."
Pointing out a danger Turkey would face, Demirtas said, "Some applied to the European Court but has not accepted the application yet, but if it accepts the application, it would accept that due to Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights that this article forbid the discrimination. And they have never been charged of discrimination before, for that reason it would be a big obstacle in front of Turkey if it wants to be a member of the EU."
Diyarbakir Bar Association chairman Mustafa Ozer also said that according to information he obtained, the government has drawn up a list of banned Kurdish names because the rebel Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), used these names as code names for its members, and has ordered local officials to curb the use of Kurdish place names.
"The name Serhat used commonly in Turkey also takes place on this list. Banning Kurdish names does not fit the constitutional right. They said these names are not in accordance with tradition and national culture, but these names are in accordance with tradition and culture. You can give an English name to your children, but you cannot give the names on the list to your children because it is not in accordance with national culture and tradition. These kind of applications are an obstacle for Turkey that aims to be a member of the European Union," Ozer said.
Pointing out that there was no such application
in any
part of the world Ozen said, "People cannot give names to their
children.
The reform ensuring Turkish laws' in accordance with the European Union
passed by Parliament recently does not fit this application. For that
reason
the EU wants to see implementation of these reforms." (Turkish Daily
News,
October 24, 2002)
Un candidat kurde brièvement interpellé pour avoir parlé kurde
Un candidat kurde aux législatives du 3 novembre a été brièvement interpellé lundi à Lice (sud-est) pour avoir parlé le kurde lors d'une réunion électorale, a-t-on indiqué mercredi de source locale à Diyarbakir, chef-lieu du sud-est anatolien à majorité kurde.
Abdulmelik Firat, président du parti pro-kurde des droits et des libertés (HAK-PAR) mais candidat indépendant aux élections, a été emmené par la police au commissariat de Lice et détenu pendant cinq heures après avoir prononcé un discours électoral lors d'une réunion dans un café de la ville, a-t-on précisé de même source.
Le procureur a demandé qu'il soit arrêté pour avoir violé les lois électorales qui interdisent l'usage d'une langue autre que le Turc lors des campagnes électorales, mais le tribunal devant lequel il a comparu a rejeté cette demande et l'a libéré, a-t-on ajouté.
Le vice-président de HAK-PAR, Fehmi Demir, a dénoncé une campagne de dénigrement des autorités à leur encontre.
"Nous allons continuer de parler en kurde au cours de notre campagne", a-t-il notamment dit à l'AFP.
M. Firat, est le petit-fils du leader d'une des plus grandes insurrections kurdes (1925) qui ont suivi la proclamation de la République turque en 1923.
Le mouvement du cheikh Sait fut difficilement réprimé par les forces de sécurité et ses dirigeants, y compris leur chef, pendus.
Dans un autre incident, moins sérieux, les autorités locales ont lancé une enquête contre un chanteur folklorique turc qui avait chanté une chanson en espagnol lors d'un meeting électoral du parti social-démocrate CHP à Trabzon (nord-est, sur la mer Noire), rapporte mercredi la presse.
"Je ne connais pas un mot d'espagnol", a
cependant indiqué
Volkan Konak au journal populaire Vatan, affirmant avoir
"improvisé"
la chanson dont les paroles n'ont "aucune signification". (AFP, 23
octobre
2002)
Trois morts dans un incident armé entre soldats et rebelles kurdes
Un accrochage entre militaires turcs et militants kurdes a fait trois morts, deux rebelles et un soldat, mardi dans le sud-est de la Turquie à majorité kurde, a rapporté la chaîne d'informations en continu NTV, citant des sources des services de sécurité.
L'incident a eu lieu dans la matinée de mardi au lieu-dit Yayladere, dans la province de Bingöl, entre des militaires et un nombre non précisé de séparatistes armés, a précisé NTV.
En outre, un soldat a été blessé au cours de cet accrochage, selon les mêmes sources.
La rébellion du Parti des travailleurs du
Kurdistan
(PKK) a déposé les armes il y a trois ans, après
15
ans de lutte armée pour l'indépendance du sud-est de la
Turquie
à majorité kurde et la reconnaissance des droits
culturels
des Kurdes, et s'est rebaptisée KADEK (Congrès pour la
liberté
et la démocratie au Kurdistan), un mouvement à vocation
"politique".
(AFP, 22 octobre 2002)
Accrochages entre armée et militants kurdes: un mort et six blessés
Les forces de sécurité turques ont tué un militant du parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) et cinq soldats et un civil ont été blessés dans deux accrochages séparés dans l'est du pays, a-t-on appris lundi de sources locales et officielles.
Un militant a été tué au cours d'un échange de tirs dans la province de Tunceli et un chasseur, égaré dans la zone de combat, a été blessé, a affirmé le gouverneur de la province, Tuncel Erkal, cité par l'agence Anatolie.
Selon des sources locales, qui réclament
l'anonymat,
cinq soldats turcs ont également été
blessés
dans un accrochage avec des rebelles près de la ville de
Nazimiye,
dans la même province de Tunceli. (AFP, 28 octobre 2002)
HRW appelle la Turquie à aider au retour des Kurdes déplacés
L'organisation de défense des droits de l'Homme Human Rights Watch (HRW) a appelé mercredi la Turquie à aider au retour des familles expulsées de leurs villages durant les années de la guérilla séparatiste kurde.
"Il y a très peu de combats depuis la déclaration d'un cessez-le-feu unilatéral par le PKK en 1999", déclare Human Rights Watch (HRW) dans un rapport accablant publié mercredi, "mais seuls quelques villageois peuvent rentrer" chez eux.
Selon des statistiques officielles, 380.000 personnes ont été forcées de quitter leurs habitations, mais ce chiffre s'élève à "au moins" un million et demi de personnes, essentiellement kurdes, d'après diverses organisations non-gouvernementales, voire à 3,5 millions, selon l'Association turque des droits de l'Homme (IHD) et la Fondation turque des droits de l'Homme (TIHV)
Ces expulsions, accompagnées de violences, de destructions et même de disparitions, ont été documentées en 1995 par un rapport parlementaire turc qui en a attribué la responsabilité à la gendarmerie, mais les recommandations du rapport n'ont jamais été prises en compte, selon le HRW.
"Mon opinion est que si Ankara reconnaît la responsabilité des forces de sécurité, il sait que cela ouvre la voie à des poursuites judiciaires, à des compensations financières et à la mise sur pied d'un programme de relogement et de reconstruction qui peut s'élever à 20 milliards de dollars", a déclaré Jonathan Sugden, responsable de HRW pour le Proche et le Moyen-Orient.
Pourtant, "si la Turquie montrait sa disposition à laisser les populations se réinstaller, elle obtiendrait les crédits d'institutions internationales comme celles qui ont apporté leur aide lors du conflit dans l'ex-Yougoslavie", selon lui.
Et la Turquie "se placerait dans une bien meilleure position pour le sommet européen de Copenhague", les 12 et 13 décembre, où elle attend de voir progresser son processus d'entrée dans l'Union Européenne, en souffrance en raison de manquements au respect des droits de l'Homme.
Ainsi, HRW demande au gouvernement turc de rendre transparente sa politique dans le sud-est anatolien, de dévoiler le plan d'action adopté par son Conseil national de sécurité en mai 2000, de permettre les retours ou de dédommager les déplacés et de mettre fin au système des gardiens de village pro-gouvernementaux.
Human Rights Watch suggère également aux organisations internationales spécialisées dans les problèmes de réfugiés ou de personnes déplacées d'offrir leur expertise pour aider le gouvernement turc à régler le problème.
Trois villageois kurdes ont été tués fin septembre dans un affrontement armé avec des milices pro-gouvernementales qui voulaient les empêcher de réintégrer leur maison à Ugrak, selon des sources sécuritaires.
Les victimes faisaient partie d'une famille de 15 personnes qui cherchait à regagner son village, contrôlé par quatre gardiens, selon ces sources.
Lors de la conférence de presse donnée à Istanbul par HRW, un Kurde déplacé a raconté son histoire.
Salih Demir, 49 ans, fatigué et boîtant en raison d'une jambe brisée par les militaires et où traîne une vieille balle perdue, n'a pas eu peur de témoigner et de réclamer le droit de rentrer dans son village du sud-est de la Turquie, qu'il a été forcé de quitter il y a 12 ans.
"Ils ont brûlé tout mes biens, les cultures et le bétail, et ne nous ont pas laissé le choix, nous avons dû partir à pied", a raconté ce père de famille dont un seul des huit enfants travaille et nourrit les autres.
Depuis cet automne 1990, son village de
Sariyaprak ("nom
kurde: Akir", a-t-il précisé), situé dans la
province
de Siirt, est vide, sévèrement gardé par la milice
pro-gouvernementale des gardiens de village, et totalement
détruit.
"Il n'y a plus une pierre sur l'autre", a déclaré Salih
Demir.
(AFP, 30 octobre 2002)
Kurdish Question in Brief
PKK Trial in Istanbul
On 27 September Istanbul SSC passed its verdict on four alleged members of the PKK, charged with having killed Hamza Çapkurt on 11 August 1996 and Nedim Ataman on 31 August 1996. The defendants Ibrahim Bisar, Emin Gurban, Adnan Çaçan and Halit Göner were sentenced to life imprisonment according to Article 125 TPC. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 1, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Van
The police in Çatak district (Van) intervened, when during a wedding Kurdish songs were played on 28 September. They detained Ismail Ayhan, member of the music group "Gulen Azad". He was released after testifying at the police station. On 25 September the gendarmerie raided Akdam village in Çorum province and detained Duran Budak, Hanifi Keçeci, Döne Arici, Kibar Keçeci and Güler Keçeci on charges of supporting the Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C). They are said to be relatives of Gazi Arici, who served a sentence as member of the DHKP/C and who was released in 2000. Semsettin Akçay, Yavuz Bingöl, Erdogan Kandemir, Kesin Armanci, Habip Uzun, Hayrettin Gölen and Sedat Malban, who had been detained in Karliova district (Bingöl) on charges of membership of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, were arrested on 27 September. The Bingöl branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) stated that the suspects had been tortured in police custody. (Evrensel-Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 1, 2002)
Attack by Village Guards
The delegation comprised of members fro the Human Rights Association (IHD), the Social Support and Culture Association for Migrants (Göç-Der), the Human Right Foundation of Turkey (TIHV) and the Chamber of Architects and Engineers made a statement on their research in Ugrak village, Bismil district (Diyarbakir), where 3 people had been killed on 26 September. Selahattin Demirtas, chairman of the Diyarbakir branch of the IHD rejected the official version of blood feud and said that there had been a blood feud 20 years ago between the Güçlü and the Tangüler families, but the people killed had all belonged to the Tekin family. The problem was, that the village guard did not want anybody to return. Demirtas also alleged that the commander of the gendarmerie station carried responsibility, because he did not take any precautions, knowing of the security risk. Demirtas demanded to dissolve the village guard system and to remove all obstacles for a safe return of villagers to their home. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 3, 2002)
Indicted for Kurdish Music
The prosecutor at Diyarbakir SSC indicted Haydar Çevik (20), Abdi Çevik and A.Y (17) on charges of having made propaganda for the PKK/KADEK. On 6 September they had been remanded in Sirnak for listening to Kurdish music. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 7, 2002)
Trial for the demand of Kurdish Education in Van
On 7 October Van SSC No. 2 continued to hear the case of 700 students from the 100 Year University in Van. They are charged with supporting the PKK/KADEK by presenting petitions on Kurdish as an elective course at the university to the rector. The court heard the testimony of further defendants in groups 2 and 3 persons and adjourned the hearing to another date. The students pleaded not guilty and asked for acquittal. (Özgür Gündeml-TIHV, October 8, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Adana
On 7 October the gendarmerie in Küçükdikili (Adana) detained Mehmet Yazici, staff member of the journal "Özgür Halk", Murat Vural and Seyit Kasdas, both members of the youth wing of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP). On 8 October Semih Genç, who had been refouled from Romania on 4 October as the alleged representative of the illegal Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) in Romania, was remanded and put in Kirklareli Prison. In 1991 he had been detained and was later sentenced to 12.5 years' imprisonment. In 1993 he escaped from Bayrampasa Prison. Reportedly he disagreed with the DKHP/C leader Dursun Karatas and surrendered to the police in Romania. In Turkey he allegedly applied to benefit from the Repentance Law. (Özgür Gündeml-TIHV, October 6, 2002)
Trial for the demand of Kurdish Education in Istanbul
Istanbul SSC No. 3 decided to adjourn the hearing in the case of 28 students, who had asked for Kurdish as an elective course at universities. Istanbul SSC No. 4 heard the case of 11 parents, who had presented petitions for Kurdish education to the governor in Ümraniye and the director for national education in Avcilar (Istanbul). The court adjourned the hearing to listen to further defendants. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Adana
In Adana-Küçükdikili Mehmet Yazici, staff member of the journal "Özgür Halk", Seyit Kasdas and Murat Vural, members of the youth wing of HADEP, were released on 9 October. After release Mehmet Yazici said that they had been detained at 9pm on 8 October. At Küçükdikili Gendarmerie station the commander Bahtiyar Dogan had insulted them and threatened him not to distribute the journal anymore. He alleged that their photographs had been taken and put in a file with the title "members of an illegal organization". (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Trial for the demand of Kurdish Education in Adana
On 10 October Adana SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case of 81 defendants, charged with supporting an illegal organization by asking for education in Kurdish. The court adjourned the hearing for a completion of the files. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul
The police in Istanbul announced the detention of Mehmet Aslan, Hasim Sahin and Baris Çetin accusing them of logistic support of the PKK/KADEK in Tunceli province. Hasim Sahin and Baris Çetin were also accused of human trafficking. In Ceyhan district (Adana) Ismail Agaç (70) and his brother Hikmet Agaç were detained and taken to Dörtyol district (Hatay). After interrogation they were arrested on charges of supporting the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK). (TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Attacks and Clashes in the Southeast
On 9 October the corpse of Iskender Yildiz was taken from Bingöl to Batman. He was buried in Agilcil village. On 1 October village guards had killed Iskender Yildiz, member of the Freedom and Democracy Congress of Kurdistan (KADEK), and two of his friends in Karliova district (Bingöl). (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 11, 2002)
Attack by Village Guards in Tatvan
On 12 October in Koruklu village of Tatvan (Bitlis) the villiage guard Bahattin Göle, his daughter and other 6 village guards knifed Tahir Alkan. His mother, children and wife were beaten by the same village guards. According to the information gathered Alkan family had returned to their village, which was evacuated in 1996, 6 months ago. Tahir Alkan went to the Gendarmerie HQ. in Kaynarca for complaint, but he was turned back. He then made an official complaint to the Tatvan Public Prosecutor and also said that the same village guards had attacked them before. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 13, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul
On 13 October Ozan Alpkaya, who had been detained in Istanbul on suspicion of membership of the PKK/KADEK, was arrested by Istanbul SSC. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 14, 2002)
Diyarbakir IHD officials on Trial
On 14 October Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 3 acquitted Osman Baydemir, former chairman of the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the board members Fikret Saraçoglu, Meral Danis, Reyhan Yalçindag, Abdulkadir Aydin and Pirozhan Dogrul from charges of violating Article 64/1 TPC in connection with Articles 6 and 77/1 of Law No. 2908 on Associations providing that the distribution of brochures, leaflets and written statements has to be in Turkish. The board of Diyarbakir IHD had written "Newroz" instead of "Nevruz", when on 15 March they decided to organize a reception on 20 March. The prosecutor stated that the letters "w" and "o" had been used without the intention to commit a crime. Subsequently the court acquitted the defendants. A separate trial at Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 3 was adjourned to 18 February 2003. In this trial the defendants are charged with writing "Newroz" instead of "Nevruz" on the branch register. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 15, 2002)
Punishment for Kurdish Music in Diyarbakir
On 14 October Diyarbakir Penal Court No. 1 heard the case of Nevzat Bingöl, former owner of the local TV station "Gün TV". The court fined him TL 2.9 billion TL for having played the songs "What About my Youth, Mother", "Happy Birthday" and "Everybody Should Look after his own Affairs", interpreted by Ahmet Kaya". The verdict was based on Article 119/5 TPC and Article 11(d) of the Law No. 3257. The songs of Ahmet Kaya had been banned in the region under a state of emergency (OHAL). During the hearing on 24 June police officers had stated that the ban had been announced by putting it up at the municipality and informing the local radio and TV station. Nevzat Bingöl had denied to have been informed. Earlier he had been fined TL 4 billion for playing these songs on 25 July 2001 and when he did not pay the fine the charges under Article 119/5 TPC had been raised (BIA-TIHV, October 16, 2002)
State of Emergency Still Continues
Although the state of emergency was restricted to the two province Diyarbakir and Sirnak in July the "Super Governor" for the region under a state of emergency (OHAL), Gökhan Aydiner, sent a secret order to the governors of 11 provinces asking for preventive measures against the actions of the Confederation of Trade Unions in the Public Sector (KESK) planned for today. The secret order was sent on 11 October stating that unionist activities such as a strike would violation of Article 236 TPC. The governors of the other provinces were addressed since these provinces have the status of "neighboring provinces". (Radikal-TIHV, October 17, 2002)
Trial for the demand of Kurdish Education in Van
On 16 October Van SSC No. 2 continued to hear the case of 25 students charged with supporting an illegal organization by presenting petitions to the rector of the 100 Year University in Van asking for Kurdish as an elective course. 17 of the students had been arrested on 9 January, but released after the hearing of 21 June. The new presiding judge Yakup Kukul issued an arrest warrant against Pinar Baglar, who had not testified yet, and adjourned the hearing to 23 December. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 17, 2002)
Problem with Kurdish names in Siirt
On 17 October Siirt Judicial Court decided not be competent on the case against the families of Nizam Dilek, Ercan Aydinli, Sabeddin Delen, Mehmet Zakir Baba, Ilhami Sak, Feyzullah Bitkay, Mehmet Salim Atakan, Muhsin Kavak, Adli Baysal, Selman Deniz, Ali Haydar Kayra, Behçet Baysal, Besir Petek, Ibrahim Kayra, Yusuf Tilki, Kamuran Karaman, Ismet Akkurt, Lazgin Karatas, Sait Kul and Lazgin Sak, who had named their children, born between 10 July 1997 and 19 March 2002, Dilan (dance-halay), Sefkan, Helin (nest), Nupelda (newly blossoming), Gülsilan (rose hip), Pelsin (green leave), Emine Helen, Bersan (giving fame), Sutail Can, Nujiyan (new life), Berzan (knowledgable), Berfin (snow plough), Zilan (name of a river on southeastern Anatolia), Baran (rain), Sipan (name of mountain), Zisar and Dilges (happy). The prosecutor had initiated the case with the demand to order the families to changes these names, because they were against national culture and the law. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Istanbul
In Beyoglu-Istanbul a person by the name of Muharrem Demirkiran was detained under beatings. He shouted to pedestrians fearing that the police would kill him. Reportedly Muharrem Demirkiran spent 9.5 years prison for membership of the PKK. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
HADEP members on Trial in Van
On 17 October Van SSC No. 2 continued to hear the case of 15 members of HADEP including Bahattin Altuntas, Ali Ürken, Yilmaz Sakalli, Tekin Çakirgöz and Resat Nuri, remanded in Bitlis and Mus Prison. Ayhan Çavuk, lawyer of Bahattin Altuntas and Ali Ürken alleged that the statements of his clients had been extracted under force and threats and asked for release. The lawyers of Yilmaz Sakalli, Tekin Çakirgöz and Resat Nuri Ayaz repeated the allegation and demand. The defendants pleaded not guilty and asked for acquittal. The court rejected all demands and adjourned the hearing to a later date. (DIHA-TIHV, October 18, 2002)
Mayor and Teachers on Trial in Diyarbakir
On 18 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 passed its verdict on 28 defendants from Kumçati town in Sirnak province, including the Mayor and village guard headman Osman Demir and the teachers Mehmet Sahin, Ali Ekber Çalgan, Ali Saro, Nazim Bartan and Özgür Mercan. All defendants were acquitted from charges of supporting the PKK. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 19, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests in Bingöl
On 20 October the gendarmerie raided Hanzarsa village in Solhan district (Bingöl) and detained Bahattin Anik, Sait Anik, Faysal Anik, Abdurrahman Türkan, Murat Alan, Aldin Orak, Cevdet Ide and Mehmet Sahin. Feshi Döner was detained at his military unit in Iskenderun, remanded and taken to Adana Military Prison on charges of having been involved in a road-blocking act of PKK militants on 25 November 1991. Lieutenant Muzaffer Ilker Eser and the village guards M. Nuri, Muhsin, Ubeytullah, Lezgin, Nezir and Mustafa Derince and Agit Özdemir had been killed during this action on the road between Hilvan district (Bitlis) and Pervari district (Siirt). (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 19, 2002)
Incident in Cizre
Early in the morning of 20 October a group of village guards raided a wedding house in Cizre district of Sirnak. Reportedly the event started when the village guards who were passing by the house in a car started to insult the people around alleging that their children had stoned their car. A while later, a group of armed village guards, working with leader of the Tayan tribe Kamil Atak, who has been enlisted by the True Parth Party (DYP) as an MP candidate for Sirnak, raided the house. In the clash, Sadik Ça_davul and the village guard Haci Azak were injured. Another group of village guards and the police came to the house. A police officer was injured when they opened fire into the air. Following the incident, several people including Kamil Atak's son Kemal Atak, chair for People's Democracy Party (HADEP) in Cizre Mehmet Dilsiz and chair for Democratic People's Party (DEHAP) in Cizre Halil Kaya were detained. Dilsiz and Kaya were released on the same day. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
Attacks and Clashes in the Southeast
On 22 October a clash was reported from Yayladere district (Bingöl) between militants of the PKK/KADEK and soldiers from the gendarmerie. One soldier died and another one was injured. (Milliyet-TIHV, October 23, 2002)
Torture in Semdinli
Arif Çelik, living in Semdinli district (Hakkari), complained to the Van branch of the Human Rights Association (IHD). He alleged: "On 17 October three police officers, one of them named Mehmet Akçay, came to my house at 9pm. They asked for my brother Katim and I told them that he was working at a construction site. Mehmet Akçay and another officer took me to the upper floor of the house, while the other officer waited downstairs. Mehmet Akçay took me and pushed my back against the wall. That continued until I fainted. When I opened my eyes I was in Semdinli State Hospital. The physicians informed the police headquarters in Semdinli and Mehmet Akçay came to the hospital. He asked why I was given serum and I answered that he knew the reason. He said that I might get a report or not, but he was certain what to do to my family. He walked on me, but stopped when another police officer came into the room." Arif Çelik added that he had been unable to obtain a report, although he had been transferred to Yüksekova State Hospital and from the to Van State Hospital. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 24, 2002)
A verdict against the demand of Kurdish Education quashed
The 9th Chamber of the Court of Cassation quashed a verdict against 3 students, who had forwarded petitions for Kurdish as an elective course to the rector of the Aegean University. Izmir SSC had sentenced the students to 45 months' imprisonment for supporting the PKK. On 23 October Istanbul SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of 8 students charged in connection with a demonstration against the Council on High Education (YÖK) on 6 November 2001 and for having presented petitions for education in Kurdish to the rector of Istanbul University. The prosecution wants the students Ruken Buket Isik, Sahin Tuncer, Hasim Gülen and Serhat Azizoglu to be sentenced as members of the PKK/KADEK, while the students Ali Turgay, Ali Dogan, Nurettin Firat and Mürsel Sargut are charged with supporting the PKK/KADEK. Ali Turgay pleaded not guilty stating that he had been forced to sign his statement to the police. Nurettin Firat rejected the charges of being a member of YDÖ, an alleged sub-organization to the PKK. Serhat Azizoglu stated that he had been tried on similar charges at Istanbul SSC No. 5 and stayed for 3.5 months in pre-trial detention. Afterwards he had stayed in Diyarbakir and had only come to Istanbul for a renewal of his enrolment. He had visited Ali Turgay, but had not connection to the organization. In custody the police had taken his statement under torture, force and by brutal beatings. He asked for his release. Hasim Gülen said in connection with his fingerprints on banners carried during the demonstration of 6 November 2001 that the police had taken his fingerprints during an earlier detention and might have used them. Defense lawyer Ilhami Sayan pointed at the condition of detention and the fact that his clients had been unable to testify at the last hearing, because the soldiers attempted to enter the courtroom with their arms. He asked for their release. The Court ordered the release of Ruken Buket Isik, Ali Dogan, Nurettin Firat and Mürsel Sargut, but prolonged the arrest of the other defendants. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 24, 2002)
Trial for the demand of Kurdish Education in Diyarbakir
On 24 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 4 acquitted the students Ahmet Turan and Hamit Kaçak from charges of supporting an illegal organization. During house raids on 12 May 2001 they had been found in possession of petitions addressed to the rector of Dicle University in Diyarbakir asking for Kurdish as an elective course. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 25, 2002)
New condemnations in Diyarbakir
On 24 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 2 reached a verdict in the case of 4 defendants, who had been detained in Lice district (Diyarbakir) in 1996. Recep Çelik rejected his statement to the security forces admitting that he was a member of the PKK/KADEK, but without having participated in armed actions. Nevertheless, he was sentenced to death according to Article 125 TPC. The sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. The defendants Halis Geçgel was sentenced to 16 years', 4 months' imprisonment for membership of the PKK/KADEK. The defendant Vedat Elçi was entitled to benefit from the Repentance Law. He received a sentence of 6 years' imprisonment and was released regarding the time he spent in pre-trial detention. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 25, 2002)
Killing after Stop Warning in Baskale
On 28 October soldiers killed Mehmetcan Alkan (18) near Saçan village in Baskale district (Van), allegedly because he did not listen to stop warnings. Reportedly the soldiers testified to Baskale Public Prosecutor's Office to the effect that Mehmetcan Alkan (18) was smuggling petrol and did not stop. The family, however, alleged that he had been grazing sheep in the Gelincik region near the Turkish-Iranian border. He had come to the village to get something to eat and on return he had been short 2 kilometers outside the village. Having been wounded to his leg he had died of bleeding. Inhabitants stated that the soldiers had prevented them from going to the scene, by shooting in the air and, although they had been in possession of vehicles they had not taken him to hospital. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 29, 2002)
Attacks and Clashes in the Southeast
Reports from Tunceli said that clashes between militants of the KADEK and soldiers broke out near Sütlüce village on 26 October. Allegedly one KADEK militant died and five soldiers were injured. In the same region soldiers opened fire on 4 villagers, who did not listen to stop warnings. In this incident that happened on 28 October Ismail Can was injured. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 28, 2002)
Attack by Village Guards in Bingöl
On 26 October guards from Tasliçay village beat the inhabitants from Yanik village, Karliova district (Bingöl) Mustafa Kapu, Haci Bulak, Vahap Bor and Ömer Can, who had gone to collect wood in the forest. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 28, 2002)
Pressure to become Police Informer in Diyarbakir
Erhan Yilmaz (20), living in Çinar
district (Diyarbakir)
complained to the Diyarbakir branch of the Human Rights Association
(IHD),
alleging that he was put under pressure to become a police informer. He
had been detained in May and forced to sign a blank paper. "At the time
they note my phone number and said that I had to come and see them,
when
they called. I was afraid and went to Bursa to work there. After my
return
I was detained again on 23 October and taken to the gendarmerie
station.
A civilian dressed police officer by the name of Ali and the commander
of the station said: ‘as a worker you 5 or 10 million. Work for us and
earn twice as much, but you have to tell us, what happens within DEHAP.
Later they released me." Erhan Yilmaz said that he had been called to
the
gendarmerie station on 25 October to get his ID and to meet the police
officer Ali, but he had not gone this time. (Özgür
Gündem-TIHV,
October 27, 2002)
MINORITES / MINORITIES
"To say Turkey is a mosaic is separatism"
This semester's first day at the Turkish Staff Officer's School took off with a lecture from Professor Ergun Aybars who said that to call Turkey "a mosaic" was nothing but separatism. He said, "it is not a mosaic, it is a contribution to the cake".
During the first school day at the Turkish Staff Officer's School, Professor Ergun Aybars during his lecture said the argument that "Turkey is a mosaic" has separatist aims.
Professor Ergun Aybars, who is the Director of the Institute of Kemalist Principles and Revolution, noted during his lecture, titled "Turkey/EU Relations", that Western countries were aiming to divide Turkey. Aybars reminded the students that several ethnic groups existed in Turkey, "but this does not make Turkey a mosaic".
"Turkey is not a mosaic. These are contributions that enrich the cake. But there are intentions that aim to divide a future Turkey under the heading of mosaic", Aybars noted.
Later during his lecture Aybars argued that Ataturk had solved the Alexandria question without using a single bullet and said, "but now we are reluctant to solve the Cyprus issue".
He said Turkey had paid a heavy price after the Cyprus operation as the terrorism of ASALA had been created soon afterwards. Aybars continued, "12 September took us away from this but then they created the PKK".
During his lecture the professor also added that the Western countries want a weak Turkey to control the region more easily. Commenting on the Copenhagen Criteria he said these requirements were already the requirements of Kemalism but the Cyprus issue was a product of "first let's take Cyprus and than not let Turkey in to the EU", mentality.
Aybars also emphasised the point that for the sake of the EU one should not compromise the national interests.
Echoing Aybars, General Yasar Buyukanit during
his speech
to the students at the GATA Military Medical Faculty and Nursing
Academy
said, "Kemalist thinking is our only guide. Defend the national values.
National values are the unifying power that transfers the society to
the
next generation. The denominators of our national values are, what has
been described in our Constitution, the secular and democratic Republic
of Turkey, indivisible with its country and nation". (KurdishMedia.com,
October 1, 2002)
US criticizes Turkey over restrictions on religious freedom
The U.S. State Department criticized Turkey over its restrictive implementations over the sphere of religious freedoms in its annual report under the title of "International Religious Freedom Report 2002".
According to the report released by the U.S. State Department, "Turkey's constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respects this right in practice, however, the Government imposes some restrictions on religious groups and religious expression in government offices and state-run institutions, including universities."
Headscarf issue
The report which covers the period from July 1, 2001, to June 30, 2002 and was submitted to the Congress by the Department of State on Monday, emphasized the ban on headscarves in universities and stated that "The Government continued to enforce a long-term ban on the wearing of religious head coverings at universities or by civil servants in public buildings. Women who wear head coverings, and both men and women who actively show support for those who defy the ban, have been disciplined or lost their jobs in the public sector as nurses and teachers. Students who wear head coverings are not permitted to register for classes."
Stating that "There was no significant change in the status of respect for religious freedom during the period covered by this report," the report underlined that "Some Muslims, Christians, and Baha' faced some restrictions and occasional harassment, including detentions for alleged proselytizing or unauthorized meetings. The Government continued to oppose "Islamic fundamentalism." An intense debate continues over a broad government ban on wearing Muslim religious dress in state facilities, including universities, schools, and workplaces. Following the June 2001 closure of the Islamist-led Fazilet (Virtue) party for "anti-secular activities," two new Islamist political parties were formed. The leader of one of these new parties, a former Istanbul mayor, is under investigation for allegedly "fomenting religious enmity" in public speeches made several years earlier.
The case of Erdogan
Summarizing the closure process of Fazilet (Virtue) Party and the developments after the closure, the report gave a great place to the issue of AK Party Chairman and former Istanbul Mayor Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The report stated that "Erdogan faced immediate legal challenges to his role as founding member of the party, based on his 1999 conviction for the crime of "inciting religious hatred." In January 2002, the Constitutional Court ruled that Erdogan was ineligible to run for Parliament due to this conviction and therefore could not be a founding member of the party, and gave the AKP an October 2002 deadline to correct the situation. Erdogan also faces possible legal charges based on speeches he made in the early 1990's that allegedly contained anti-secularist statements, and for alleged financial misconduct."
Gulen case
The report also mentioned the case of self-exiled prominent Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gulen and stated that "Following his indictment in August 2000, the Turkish courts continued to try a case in absentia against Fetullah Gulen, an Islamic philosopher and leader, who resides in the United States, for "attempting to change the characteristics of the Republic" by allegedly trying to establish a theocratic Islamic state. The prosecutor also charged that Gulen attempted to "infiltrate" the military. The Government is seeking a maximum 10-year sentence based on the Anti-Terror Law."
Kutlular case
The report gave a place to the case of Mehmet Kutlular, one of the leaders of the Nur Cemaati religious community, and stated that "Kutlular was convicted and imprisoned from May 2001 until February 2002 for "inciting religious hatred" in a 1999 newspaper article. In February 2002, the Ankara State Security Court ruled that, following new legislative reforms to the Constitution and free speech laws, Kutlular should be released early from his 2-year sentence. In 1999 Kutlular had published an article in his newspaper alleging that an earthquake, which killed more than 17,000 persons was "divine retribution" for laws banning headscarves in state buildings and universities. On March 5, 2002, a senior columnist for the Islamist newspaper Yeni Safak, Fehmi Koru, was acquitted of charges of "inciting religious enmity" for a 1999 television broadcast in support of Kutlular."
The report continued "In December 2001, a court acquitted and ordered the released of U.S. citizen and Sufi Muslim preacher Aydogan Fuat, who was arrested June 29, 2001, of charges in two separate courts of, respectively, causing religious enmity and wearing banned religious clothing. Fuat, who was arrested in June 2001, was held in custody for five months pending the outcome of his trial on "causing religious enmity" through speech. He was allowed regular consular visits. His trial for using religious dress also ended in acquittal in May 2002; however, the prosecutor appealed the acquittal. The appeal remained pending at the end of the period covered by this report."
"According to the human rights nongovernmental organization (NGO), "Mazlum Der," (Organization of Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People), some government ministries have amended their internal regulations and dismissed civil servants suspected of anti-state (including Islamist) activities, one of the 1997 points. According to Mazlum Der and media accounts, the military regularly dismisses observant Muslims from the service. Allegedly such dismissals are based on behavior that the military believes identifies these individuals as Islamic fundamentalists, and their fear is that such individuals have less loyalty to a secular, democratic state," the report said.
According to the report, Alevis freely practice their beliefs and build "Cem houses" (places of gathering). Many Alevis allege discrimination in the State's failure to include any of their doctrines or beliefs in religious instruction classes (which reflect Sunni Muslim doctrines) in public schools, and charge a bias in the Diyanet. No funds are allocated specifically from the Diyanet budget for Alevi activities or religious leadership. However, some Sunni Islamic political activists charge that the secular state favors and is under the influence of the Alevis.
The minority religious groups
Stating that the U.S. Government frequently discusses religious freedom issues with Turkish Government in the context of its overall dialog and policy of promoting human rights, the report mentioned that "The Government policy and the generally amicable relationship among religions in society contributed to religious freedom; however, some Muslims, Christians, and Baha'is face societal suspicion and mistrust.
The report also draws attentions to the controversy between laws and implementations on religious freedoms and stated that "Despite the Constitution establishes the country as a secular state and provides for freedom of belief, freedom of worship, and the private dissemination of religious ideas. However, these rights are restricted particularly by other constitutional provisions regarding the integrity and existence of the secular State. The Constitution prohibits discrimination on religious grounds."
Mentioning the fact that Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) reflects mainstream Sunni Islamic beliefs to the exclusion of other beliefs, the report continued to say that "the Office of Foundations (Vakiflar Genel Mudurlugu), regulates some activities of non-Muslim religious groups and their affiliated churches, monasteries, religious schools, and related property. There are 160 "minority foundations" recognized by the Vakiflar, including Greek Orthodox (approximately 70 sites), Armenian Orthodox (approximately 50), and Jewish (20), as well as Syrian Christian, Chaldean, Bulgarian Orthodox, Georgian, and Maroni foundations. The Vakiflar also regulates Muslim charitable religious foundations, including schools and hospitals."
According to the State Department report "Some members of non-Muslim religious groups claim that they have limited career prospects in government or military service. A 1997 law made eight years of secular education compulsory. Students may pursue study at Islamic Imam-Hatip high schools upon completion of eight years in the secular public schools. Imam-Hatip schools are classified as vocational, and therefore the graduates face some barriers to university admission such as an automatic reduction in their entrance exam grades. Only the Diyanet is authorized to provide religious training, usually through public schools, although some clandestine private religious classes may exist. Students who complete five years of primary school may enroll in Diyanet Koran classes on weekends and during summer vacation."
Expressing the Government authorities do not interfere on matters of doctrine pertaining to non-Muslim religions, nor do they restrict the publication or use of religious literature among members of the religion, the report stated "There are legal restrictions against insulting any religion recognized by the State, interfering with that religion's services, or debasing its property."
Criticizing Turkish Government which imposes some restrictions on religious groups and on religious expression in government offices and state-run institutions, including universities the report continued to stated that "The Government, in particular the military, judiciary, and other members of the secular elite, continued to wage campaigns against proponents of Islamic fundamentalism. Fundamentalism, especially the advocacy of Shari'a law, is viewed by these groups as a threat to the democratic secular republic. The National Security Council (MGK) -- a powerful military/civilian body established by the 1982 Constitution to advise senior leadership on national security matters -- categorizes religious fundamentalism as a threat to public safety."
The report also mentioned the fact that in February 2002, an Administrative Court closed the Union of Alevi-Bektasi Organizations (ABKB) on the grounds that it violated the Associations Law, which prohibits the establishment of associations "in the name of any religion, race, social class, religion, or sect." The ABKB is appealing the decision.
Stating that non-Muslim religious services, especially for religious groups that do not own property recognized by the Vakiflar, often take place in diplomatic property or private apartments, the report noted that police occasionally bar Christians from holding services in private apartments... According to one Protestant group, as well as other observers and media reports, local authorities asked more than a dozen churches in Istanbul and elsewhere to close or they have been subject to increased police harassment since the publication of an Interior Ministry circular.
According to the report, the Ecumenical Patriarch in Istanbul continues to seek to reopen the Halki seminary on the island of Heybeli in the Sea of Marmara. The seminary has been closed since 1971, when the State nationalized all private institutions of higher learning. Under existing restrictions, including a citizenship requirement, religious communities largely remain unable to train new clergy in the country for eventual leadership. Coreligionists from outside the country have been permitted to assume leadership positions.
Report continued to say that "There is no law that explicitly prohibits proselytizing or religious conversions; however, many prosecutors and police regard proselytizing and religious activism with suspicion, especially when such activities are deemed to have political overtones. Police occasionally bar Christians from proselytizing by handing out literature. Police occasionally arrest proselytizers for disturbing the peace, "insulting Islam," conducting unauthorized educational courses, or distributing literature that has criminal or separatist elements. Courts usually dismiss such charges. If the proselytizers are foreigners, they may be deported, but generally they are able to reenter the country. Police officers may report students who meet with Christian missionaries to their families or to university authorities."
The report also drew attention to the religious affairs of the minority groups and stated that "Some religious groups have lost property to the State in the past, or continue to fight against such losses... Restoration or construction may be carried out in buildings and monuments considered "ancient" only with authorization of the regional board on the protection of cultural and national wealth."
"Although religious affiliation is listed on national identity cards, there is no official discrimination based upon religious persuasion. Some religious groups, such as the Baha'i, allege that they are not permitted to state their religion on their cards because no category exists; they have made their concerns known to the Government," said the report.
"The trial continued of seven Christians in Istanbul who were charged with holding illegal church and Bible study meetings in an apartment. This group alleges that the trial has been prolonged unnecessarily (it started in 2000) in order to prevent the group from legally re-forming and holding meetings. On June 27, 2002, a criminal court dismissed the charges against Turkish Christian Kemal Timur in Diyarbakir who was arrested in 2000 for "insulting Islam."
"In April 2002, eight Ahmadi Muslims, members of a small religious community in Istanbul, were arrested and charged under Article 7 of the Anti-Terror Law (involvement with an organization "with terrorist aims"). Five subsequently were released on bail, while the remaining three (two Turkish citizens and one German citizen) continued to be held at the end of the period covered by this report."
According to the report, the Government policy and the generally amicable relationship among religions in society contributed to religious freedom; however, some Muslims, Christians, and Baha'is face societal suspicion and mistrust. Jews and most Christian denominations freely practice their religions and report little discrimination in daily life. However, citizens who convert from Islam may experience some form of social harassment or pressure from family and neighbors. Proselytizing socially is unacceptable.
Stating that "The U.S. Government discusses
religious
freedom issues with the Government in the context of its overall dialog
and policy of promoting human rights. The Ambassador and other Mission
officials, including staff of the U.S. Consulate General in Istanbul
and
the U.S. Consulate in Adana, enjoy close relations with Muslim majority
and other religious groups," the report also said that "The U.S.
Embassy
has urged the Government to reopen the Halki seminary on Heybeli
Island."
(Bulent Kenes, Turkish Daily News October 9, 2002)
Assyrians/Syriacs were assaulted and beaten in Turabdin
Many Assyrians/Syriacs have travelled to Turabdin to seek the possibilities to recover their occupied property. The reason is that the Turkish Government has promised to guarantee their safety and the right to property.
The Turkish Village guard of the Turkish Security Forces has occupied the property of Assyrians/Syriacs for the last ten years. The Turkish Government allows the occupation.
The Haidari Family of Assyrian/Syriac origin tried to get help from the police in Midyat, Turabdin, to recover their property. The occupants are members of the Jimo tribe. They have been with the Turkish Village guard of the Turkish Security Forces for many years.
When the Haidari family on the 24th of September left the police station they were assaulted and heavily beaten in downtown Midyat. The Jimo tribe threatened to kill the Haidaris if they did not leave Turabdin at once.
The Turkish Village guard of the Turkish Security Forces occupies the property of many Assyrians/Syriacs.
The Turkish prime minister Bulant Ecevit, in a decree in the summer of 2001, promised that the Assyrians/Syriacs shall have free access to all constitutional, legal and human rights and that they shall recover their property and land.
That decree stands out as a meaningless declaration suited to mislead the European public opinion. This is nothing new to the Turkish Government. It is only another step on its path of misleading actions during the 20th century.
It is time to question the Turkish candidacy to
the EU.
Countries like Turkey have no place in the EU.
(ACSA-Assyrian-Chaldean-Syriac
Association, October 6, 2002)
Nouveau rapport sur la situation des Arméniens en Turquie
Un rapport publié aujourd'hui montre que les réformes récentes en Turquies, dont il a été fait grand cas, n'ont que très marginalement soulagé la discrimination persistente dont est victime la minorité arménienne du pays- un sort largement partagé par les autres minorités non-musulmanes.
Le rapport, publié par le bureau des associations arméniennes auprès des institutions européennes, est publié en même temps que le rapport de la Commission européenne sur les progrès de la Turquie sur la voie de l' adhésion. L'Union européenne est actuellement soumise à une forte pression de la part de la Turquie et des Etats-Unis pour qu'elle fixe la date du début des négotiations d'adhésion. Cependant, selon la règle appliquée a tous les autres candidats, de telles négotiations ne peuvent commencer que si le pays respecte les droits de l'homme, est doté d'institutions pleinement démocratiques, et entretient des relations pacifiques avec ses voisins.
Les 70 000 Arméniens recensés en Turquie, soit environ 0,1% de la population du pays, constituent la plus importante de ses minorités non-musulmanes. Les autres sont principalement les Grecs, les Assyro-Chaldéens et les Juifs.
"Le traitement de sa minorité arménienne par la Turquie devrait être un test de la sincérité de sa volonté de réforme" selon Nicolas Tavitian, du bureau des associations arméniennes auprès de l'UE. "La population arménienne de ce qui est aujourd'hui la Turquie orientale s'élevait à 2,5 millions, mais depuis le génocide de 1915 et ses suites, le peu d'Arméniens qu'il reste vivent principalement à Istanbul. Malgré cela, les Arméniens sont toujours l 'objet d'une hostilité intense, alimentée par les médias et l'élite politique du pays. Ils sont de plus soumis à un nombre considérable de dispositions administratives et légales discriminatoires (voire exemples ci-dessous). L'auteur du rapport du FAAE, Dr Tessa Hofmann, constate ainsi que la Turquie a enfreint chacune des clauses du traité de Lausanne, qui détermine le statut des minorités en Turquie.
"On entend souvent des dirigeant turcs se lamenter de ce que l'Union européenne est un Œclub chrétien', intolérant vis-à-vis des musulmans"; dit Nicolas Tavitian. "Or la Turquie s'y connait en matière d'intolérance. Ce pays a en effet accompli le nettoyage ethnique le plus radical qui soit au cours du 20 siècle. Sa population non-musulmane, éstimée à 25% de la population totale en 1914, est tombée à 0,15% aujourd'hui. Et le plus préoccupant c'est que les conditions qui ont permis d'aboutir à ce résultat sont toujours en place. L'Europe doit être intolérante vis-à-vis de l' intolérance."
Le Forum des Associations arméniennes d'Europe (FAAE), créé en 1998, a pour mission de réunir et de faciliter la coopération entre les organisations arméniennes de la Diaspora en Europe. Le Forum comprend des organisations arméniennes de 18 pays européens et traite de questions portant à la fois sur les relations internationales, les droits de l'homme, la coopération économique et la culture.
- Le rapport du Dr. Hofmann's est disponible en anglais sur l'Internet: http://www.armenianforum.org/site/english/eu-contact/docs-news/Armenians%20i n%20Turkey%20MOD.pdf. Ou aller à www.armenianforum.org et sélectionner 'News'. - Le rapport de la Commission européenne est disponible sur: http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/turkey/index.htm.
QUELQUES EXEMPLES CITES DANS LE RAPPORT
- Bâtiments religieux et écoles. Les réformes d'août 2002 permettront aux fondations arméniennes d'acquérir des propriétés- à condition qu'elles y soient autorisées par le
Conseil des Ministres! Auparavant, elles ne pouvaient pas acquérir des propriétés, et celles qu'elles possédaient déjà leur étaient fréquemment confisquées.
- Accès à différentes professions. Les Arméniens ne peuvent pas devenir fonctionnaires, militaires de carrière, magistrat ou avocat.
- Attaques fréquentes. Les églises, cimetières et même écoles arméniennes font l'objet d'attaques périodiques, qui coincident souvent avec des campagnes médiatiques ou des déclarations hostiles de la pat d'hommes politiques. Les auteurs de ces attaques ne sont presque jamais appréhendés.
- Etat policier. La seule forme d'association qui soient permise aux arméniens est le statut de fondation religieuse. Ces fondations sont soumises à des restrictions sévères et à la surveillance permanente de la "Police des Minorités", du "Bureau des Fondations" (Vakiflar Genel Müdür-lügü) et de la "Commission des Minorités" (Azinliklar Tali Komisyonu), une structure opaque de niveau ministériel.
- Droit à l'enseignement. L'accès
aux écoles
arméniennes est arbitrairement interdit à de nombreux
enfants
arméniens." (Forum des Associations arméniennes d'Europe
- FAAE), 9 october 2002)
SOCIO-ECONOMIQUE / SOCIO-ECONOMIC
Le FMI n'accordera pas de nouveaux prêts à la Turquie avant les élections
Le Fonds Monétaire International s'abstiendra d'accorder de nouveaux prêts à la Turquie avant les élections du 3 novembre, estimant qu'Ankara a encore des efforts à faire pour remplir les conditions nécessaires à leur obtention, a déclaré mercredi un responsable du FMI.
Le FMI ne prendra aucune décision concernant l'octroi d'une nouvelle tranche d'aide de 1,6 milliard de dollars avant les élections, a ajouté Juha Kahkonen lors d'une conférence de presse.
Toutefois, "il y a de bonnes bases pour penser que le conseil executif du FMI puisse se réunir assez rapidement après les élections" pour prendre une décision, a-t-il ajouté.
"Des progrès ont été accomplis en vue de remplir les conditions, mais nous n'y sommes pas encore", a-t-il souligné.
La tranche de 1,6 milliard de dollars fait partie d'un programme de 16 milliards de dollars que le FMI est prêt à débourser pour aider la Turquie à surmonter une grave crise économique.
Le FMI a déjà
déboursé 12,5
milliards de dollars pour la Turquie. (AFP, 16 octobre 2002)
Les failles de la mer de Marmara toujours aussi dangereuses
Les fonds de la Mer de Marmara, dont les eaux baignent Istanbul, présentent toujours un risque de séisme majeur, selon des scientifiques français qui viennent d'y effectuer une mission.
"Nous sommes toujours persuadés qu'il y aura un très grand séisme en mer de Marmara", a expliqué Roland Armijo, sismologue au CNRS et responsable de la mission "Marmarascarps".
Cette campagne, la quatrième en trois ans
depuis
les tremblements de terre
d'août et novembre 99 (plus de 20.000
morts)
dans la région, avait pour objectif de "photographier"
très
finement les fonds sous-marins pour y dater les traces de
précédentes
secousses sur la faille qui traverse la mer de Marmara.
"La faille nord-anatolienne présente une lacune sismique en mer de Marmara", selon Roland Armijo, ce qui signifie que la séquence de secousses qui, depuis le début du XXe siècle, a fait trembler l'Anatolie d'est en ouest est appelée à se répéter là, immédiatement au sud d'Istanbul (12 millions d'habitants).
Le but précis de ces récentes investigations était de déterminer si le segment occidental de cette faille, qui finit sur le détroit des Dardanelles, avait ou non déchargé son énergie tellurique lors de la secousse de Ganos en 1912.
Cela écarterait a priori de nouveaux risques sur ce tronçon.
"Il semble clair, et cette hypothèse sera testée par les datations des relevés, que cette énergie s'est libérée il y a 90 ans, et donc ne s'est pas accumulée depuis la série de séismes du XVIIIe siècle", a avancé M. Armijo.
"La datation de cette fracture est importante car elle déterminera le potentiel de rupture de la faille et ses effets sur la région", a estimé le sismologue Naci Görür, président du centre de recherches Marmara (TUBITAK), associé aux recherches.
Le segment oriental, le plus proche d'Istanbul, ne présente lui "pas d'évidencce claire de rupture récente", et les chercheurs français n'ont "pas trouvé d'indice limitant la possibilité d'un très gros séisme" dans cette zone".
Cette portion de la faille, qui aboutit dans le golfe d'Izmit où avait frappé le tremblement de terre du 17 août 99, représente un segment de 90 kilomètres "dont la rupture en une seul fois correspondrait à une magnitude comparable à celle d'Izmit (7,4 sur l'échelle ouverte de Richter)", a expliqué le chercheur.
Mais "avancer une estimation quant à l'ampleur du tremblement de terre n'est pas un argument scientifique sérieux", rappelle Roland Armijo.
Même si l'ensemble de la faille qui présente une "lacune sismique" venait à entrer en mouvement, l'hypothèse d'un séisme gigantesque est peu probable, l'histoire de la région ne révélant pas de séisme supérieur à une magnitude de 8.
Cette série de campagnes de recherches marines et sous-marines, d'un coût de plus d'un million d'Euros par an financés en partie par le programme européen ECHO, ont le mérite de dresser une cartographie "plus précise que la surface terrestre environnante", s'est félicité M. Armijo.
"Les données scientifiques
récoltées
sont de grande qualité et permettent des avancées
très
importantes dans la connaissance de ce genre de contextes tectoniques",
une expertise qui pourra servir à d'autres sites comme la faille
de San-Andreas en Californie, a-t-il dit. (AFP, 17 octobre 2002)
Le budget 2003 consacre la moitié des dépenses au remboursement de la dette
Le gouvernement turc a présenté vendredi un projet de loi de budget déficitaire pour 2003, dont près de la moitié des dépenses, chiffrées à 86,5 milliards de dollars, seront consacrées au remboursement des intérêts de la dette publique, a déclaré le ministre des Finances.
Le budget 2002 avait également consacré la moitié des revenus au remboursement de cette dette croissante.
Le projet, qui pourrait être revu après les élections législatives anticipées du 3 novembre, prévoit quelque 58 milliards de dollars de revenus, a indiqué Sumer Oral lors d'une conférence de presse.
Environ 40 milliards de dollars seront consacrés au remboursement de la dette publique, qui a atteint 137 milliards de dollars en août 2002, selon les chiffres du Trésor turc.
Le budget a été préparé conformément aux "principes" du programme économique conclu avec le Fonds monétaire international (FMI) afin de sortir d'une grave crise économique qui a frappé la Turquie en février 2001, a souligné M. Oral.
Il a précisé que grâce à ce programme d'austérité, l'économie turque avait commencé à se "redresser" après une contraction record (-9,4%) en 2001 par rapport à l'année précédente.
Les prévisions de croissance pour l'année 2003 sont de 5% tandis que celles de l'inflation devraient tomber à 20%.
Le FMI a déclaré mercredi qu'il s'abstiendra d'accorder une nouvelle tranche de 1,6 milliard de dollars de prêts à la Turquie avant les élections du mois prochain, estimant qu'Ankara a encore des efforts à faire pour remplir les conditions nécessaires à leur obtention
Cette tranche fait partie d'un programme de 16 milliards de dollars que le FMI est prêt à débourser pour aider la Turquie à surmonter la crise.
Le FMI a déjà
déboursé 12,5
milliards de dollars pour la Turquie. (AFP, 18 octobre 2002)
La stabilité du prochain gouvernement, première inquiétude des industriels
Les élections législatives anticipées du 3 novembre suscitent l'inquiétude des milieux d'affaires et des industriels quant à la stabilité du prochain gouvernement en Turquie et à ses rapports avec le Fonds monétaire international.
"La seule chose que nous voulons, c'est un gouvernement fort et stable, mis en place par un seul parti vainqueur, ou à la limite par deux s'ils s'entendent bien pour faire passer les réformes", affirme Ihsan Kalkavan, directeur général du groupe Besiktas, un des plus vieux armateurs du monde.
Il faut en finir avec "la "culture de la coalition" en Turquie, avec des gouvernements hétéroclites dont les partenaires se rejettent la responsabilité des dossiers", estime M. Kalkavan.
Le pire qui pourrait arriver serait que le parti
de la
Justice et du Développement (AK, islamiste), donné comme
vainqueur aux élections, ne voie cette victoire remise en cause
par une procédure d'interdiction à son encontre.
Le procureur de la Cour de cassation a
demandé
mercredi à la cour constitutionnelle d'interdire ce parti en
raison
de son refus de se débarrasser de son président, Recep
Tayyip
Erdogan, interdit de politique.
"Immédiatement, l'indice de la bourse d'Istanbul a chuté, alors que nous nous attendions à voir un pouvoir stable sortir des urnes. Maintenant, la Turquie va au devant de nouvelles incertitudes", selon M. Kalkavan.
L'Union des bourses et chambres professionnelles de Turquie (TOBB) avait également lancé un appel implicite à la stabilité politique après les élections.
La Turquie a besoin d'un gouvernement déterminé à engager les réformes pour surmonter la "faillite" de la gestion des affaires publiques et "une économie en crise chronique", selon le TOBB.
"Ce qui faut à l'économie du pays, c'est la stabilité, et des emplois", estime Kadir Günes, quincaillier du centre d'Istanbul, qui n'attend rien des programmes des formations politiques en course, à l'instar de la majorité de l'opinion publique.
A 46 ans, cet artisan avoue avoir licencié sept de ses 10 employés en 18 mois de crise, s'être "habitué" à la récession, mais a des inquiétudes sur l'avenir proche.
"Surtout si, une fois au pouvoir, le parti AK entre en crise avec l'Armée !", lance-t-il, tout en se disant prêt à voter pour de parti d'Erdogan, un ancien maire d'Istanbul.
Pour les milieux financiers, la crainte d'une confrontation entre les militaires et un gouvernement dominé par des islamistes demeure faible, selon l'analyste Hakan Avci de Global Securities.
"L'Armée devrait laisser un gouvernement islamiste agir librement, dans un premier temps, et n'exprimer un désaccord que si des sujets sensibles commencent à être évoqués", estime-t-il.
Pour Ihsan Kalkavan, les généraux devraient faire montre d'un respect d'autant plus grand envers un gouvernement ou une coalition menée par les islamistes que leur victoire sera large, "à l'exemple de leur loyauté envers le défunt président (Turgut) Özal dont ils ne souhaitaient pas l'avènement".
Autre crainte, celle d'un conflit avec le FMI.
"Si officiellement les deux partis en tête des sondages disent ne pas être opposés au programme d'aide économique du FMI, la réalité pourrait s'avérer différente", avance Hakan Avci, analyste chez Global Securities.
Or, la Turquie est sujette depuis un an et demi au FMI qui finance à hauteur de 16 milliards de dollars un plan de redressement économique. La dernière tranche de cette aide a été "retenue" la semaine dernière dans l'attente du résultat du scrutin.
"Le Parti AK a annoncé qu'il voulait
renégocier
le profil de ce programme", rappelle Hakan Avci, "cela va
inquiéter
les marchés". (AFP, 24 octobre 2002)
La stabilité politique en Turquie essentielle aux réformes économiques (OCDE)
La Turquie a marqué des points en matière de réformes économiques, mais la reprise dépend beaucoup de la stabilité politique du pays et de la région, estime l'Organisation de Coopération et de Développement Economiques (OCDE) dans un rapport publié jeudi.
"Le programme (de réformes) a été appliqué à peu près comme prévu, bien que la défiance initiale du marché ait eu pour effet de maintenir les taux d'intérêts réels à des niveaux très élevés et de contribuer à une sévère récession dont le coût social a été très lourd," affirme le rapport.
Toutefois, le niveau toujours élevé des taux d'intérêts du fait des risques souverains pourrait se révéler dangereux pour la reprise économique "en cas de persistance des risques domestiques ou géo-politiques," souligne l'OCDE.
Une crise gouvernementale, déclenchée en mai dernier par l'hospitalisation du Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit, a rendu les marchés nerveux, et ceux-ci s'interrogent toujours sur l'issue des élections générales anticipées, le 3 novembre prochain alors même que plane la menance d'une intervention militaire américaine en Irak.
Le parti de la Justice et du développement (AK), qui n'a pas d'expérience gouvernementale, devrait remporter l'élection, selon les sondages, mais les autorités laïques du pays s'inquiétent de ses origines islamistes et le procureur de la cour de cassation vient de demander son interdiction.
Les trois partis associés à la coalition gouvernementale au pouvoir, quant à eux, pourraient perdre tous leurs sièges au parlement.
La crise économique de 2000-2001, la plus grave que la Turquie ait connu depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale, a porté un coup grave à la consommation et aux investissements.
Toutefois, selon les dernières
prévisions
de l'OCDE, le taux de croissance devrait se situer à environ 4%
pour cette année et à 3,5% à 4% l'an prochain.
Par ailleurs, "l'objectif d'un taux
d'inflation
de 35% d'ici la fin de l'année apparaissait réalisable,
de
même qu'un nouveau recul aux alentours de 20% l'an prochain",
selon
le rapport.
L'OCDE souligne l'aspect positif sur les pouvoirs publics du rapprochement de la Turquie avec l'Union européenne, mais rappelle le besoin de réformes structurelles, notamment dans le domaine bancaire. La Turquie doit également poursuivre les dénationalisations et respecter ses engagements budgétaires.
"Le principal risque est que la lenteur de la restructuration du secteur bancaire et le resserrement du crédit qui en est le corollaire, ainsi que le niveau toujours élevé des taux d'intérêts réels du fait des risques souverains ne finissent par freiner la reprise", selon l'OCDE.
"Il est indispensable que la Banque centrale continue de prendre les mesures nécessaires pour atteindre ou dépasser ses objectifs d'inflation (...) et que la restructuration bancaire progresse rapidement pour donner confiance aux acteurs économiques", ajoute le rapport.
"Le principal problème qui se pose aux autorités budgétaires est désormais d'assurer le service, la reconduction et la viabilité de (...) la dette," ajoute l'OCDE en référence aux quelque 15 milliards de dollars déboursés par le Fonds Monétaire International pour aider la Turquie.
L'OCDE, basée à Paris, publie
ponctuellement
des études sur l'économie de chacun de ses 20 pays
membres,
assorties de prévisions et de recommandations. (AFP, 24 octobre
2002)
La Turquie va stocker sous la mer des importations de gaz
La Turquie va commencer, à partir de 2005, à stocker sous la mer des importations de gaz naturel pour compenser ses achats trop importants à l'étranger, a-t-on indiqué mercredi de source officielle.
La compagnie d'Etat turque de gaz et de pétrole Botas travaille actuellement sur deux projets d'enfouissement, l'un à Degirmenkoy (nord-ouest), à une soixantaine de km à l'est d'Istanbul et l'autre sous un lac de sel (Tuzgolu) --un site naturel propice au stockage souterrain-- à quelque 100 km au sud d'Ankara, a précisé Botas dans un communiqué en réponse à des questions posées par l'AFP.
La Turquie ne dispose pas actuellement d'installations de stockage de gaz, si ce n'est des citernes à capacité très limitée installées dans un terminal de gaz naturel liquéfié dans le Bosphore, à Istanbul.
La Turquie avait été amenée à lancer ces projets d'enfouissement en raison de ses obligations d'achat de gaz naturel à l'étranger.
La Turquie s'est en effet engagée à payer, même si elle n'en prend pas livraison, des importations de gaz iranien dans le cadre d'un contrat controversé de 20 milliards de dollars, signé en 1996.
Ankara a annoncé avoir interrompu ses importations de gaz iranien en juin, invoquant sa mauvaise qualité. Téhéran a rejeté ces critiques.
Le projet de Degirmenkoy permettra le stockage annuel de 1,6 milliards de m3 de gaz dans un champ d'extraction de gaz désaffecté, à proximité du littoral sous la mer de Marmara.
La Banque européenne d'investissement (BEI) a accordé en mars un crédit de 90 millions d'euros pour la réalisation de ce projet qui doit être finalisé en 2005.
Celui-ci sera suivi par un projet similaire dans un lac de sel. Botas prévoit d'y stocker du gaz, à une profondeur de 700 à 1.300 mètres, utilisant des cavités naturelles sous des dômes de sel.
La capacité totale de ces cavernes sera
établie
à l'issue de rapports de faisabilité, ajoute le document.
(AFP, 2 octobre 2002)
Cirali, un miracle éco-touristique conquis de haute lutte contre le béton
C'est en arrivant par la mer, après avoir longé une côte asphyxiée par d'arrogants hôtels, que l'on mesure mieux le miracle réalisé par les habitants du village de Cirali, à 100 km au sud d'Antalya : il demeure absolument invisible, fondu dans la verdure.
Dans ce petit val coincé entre des à-pics sauvages vivent pourtant quelque 700 personnes, dont la principale activité est le tourisme, mais qui ont réussi à sauver leur petit paradis de l'appétit des grands investisseurs hôteliers.
Sous les frondaisons, la plupart des habitations sont des bungalows ou des petites pensions d'un à deux étages, noyées de fleurs, et le village vit au rythme des poules traversant les chemins de terre et des oiseaux virevoltant entre les arbres fruitiers.
Comment Cirali a-t-il pu résister au boom touristique et à l'invasion du béton ?
"Un jour, des hommes d'affaires sont venus d'Istanbul en disant qu'ils voulaient faire ici un golf de 18 trous", raconte Bayram Kütle, qui fut maire pendant dix ans.
"Mais on a découvert qu'ils prévoyaient de construire un village de vacances, alors on les a traînés en justice et on a réussi à les chasser de chez nous !", se félicite-t-il.
Ce succès, il le doit sans doute à un hôte discret de la longue plage de Cirali, dont les images vidéo ont semble-t-il ému les juges : la tortue de mer Caouanne (Caretta caretta), dont c'est l'un des sites de ponte.
Au même moment, l'Association de protection de la vie sauvage (DHKD) s'intéresse à ce saurien fragile qui vient nuitamment enfouir ses oeufs fin juin pour une éclosion fin août.
Et découvre au sein de cette population rebelle, au-delà de l'intérêt pour la Caouanne, un esprit civique et un intérêt pour la défense de l'environnement.
En cinq ans, Cirali et le DHKD ont bâti un double projet : assurer la paix des tortues de mer, et assurer au village un revenu complémentaire au tourisme.
Aujourd'hui, la plage a été débarrassée de ses restaurants "pieds dans l'eau" et de toute construction, même provisoire. Des pancartes affichent les dix commandements à respecter pour ne pas effrayer la célèbre Caretta caretta.
Et une coopérative commence à commercialiser des légumes et des fruits "biologiques", répondant à un label, ce qui assure un revenu égal au tourisme.
Enfin, et c'est une première en Turquie, la coopérative a préparé avec une organisation de la société civile le plan d'occupation et d'utilisation des sols de la commune pour éviter des opérations immobilières qui ruineraient les efforts de préservation.
"L'expérience de Cirali est un cas d'école, un parfait exemple de préservation de la nature en même temps que de développement durable et de tourisme responsable", estime Attila Uras, ancien de DHKD et aujourd'hui responsable au World Wildlife Fund-Méditerranée.
Résultat : un environnement idyllique et un tourisme de qualité, proche des habitants, fidèle et essentiellement étranger.
"Durant les neuf mois de la saison, notre établissement est plein à plus de 95% alors que notre seule publicité, c'est le bouche à oreille", raconte Saban Akkele, gérant de la pension "Canada".
Une formule qui plaît depuis cinq ans à cette banquière, Gul, qui a déserté "le massacre d'Anatalya" pour trouver ici, sous les pins, "une nature et des gens très propres".
"Au lieu de faire 50 chambres, on en offre que
10, et
au lieu de les louer à 5 sous, on en demande 15, mais il n'y a
pas
de place pour le béton, qu'il aille ailleurs ! Ici, on vend de
la
nature !", clame l'ancien maire. (AFP, 3 octobre 2002)
Sauver la richesse de la côte lycienne, un défi face au tourisme de masse
Première région touristique de Turquie en nombre de visiteurs, Antalya et la côte méditerranéenne de la Lycie (sud) font figure d'épouvantail pour les défenseurs de l'environnement qui veulent y freiner le tourisme de masse.
Ses 200 kilomètres de bord de mer ont accueilli l'an dernier quelque 3,5 millions de visiteurs, près du tiers des touristes de l'ensemble du pays, et la tendance à la hausse fait craindre pour la préservation de sa bio-diversité, de ses nombreux sites antiques et de ses magnifiques paysages.
La moitié du rivage lycien faisait partie d'un parc national protégé dont la superficie fut réduite de moitié en 1977 quand le sud d'Antalya fut déclaré zone prioritaire pour le développement touristique.
Une croisière au large de Kemer, à 50 km au sud d'Antalya, illustre l'ampleur des ravages d'une industrie qui rapporte au pays quelque 10 milliards de dollars, avec une perspective de 50 milliards en 2020.
"Notre but," explique Emrah Bilge, responsable du programme Lycie au World Wildlife Fund (WWF-Turquie), une organisation de défense de l'environnement, "est d'éviter que ne se multiplient les centres à forte concentration humaine comme Kemer, et d'organiser un tourisme d'échelle plus modeste, conservant le caractère local et respectueux des richesses naturelles et culturelles".
C'est dans cette région, à la fin des années 1970, que le Club Méditerranée français ouvrit son deuxième village de vacances de Turquie. Après, ce fut le tour d'hôtels toujours plus grands, toujours plus hauts et défigurant le front de mer, modelant les plages et transformant la végétation.
Conséquence : "Kemer a dépassé sa capacité d'accueil maximale, seule une baie de la côte est exempte d'habitations, et la hauteur des hôtels limitée à 24 mètres est bien trop haute pour ne pas nuire à l'environnement", estime Feridun Uyar, un architecte chargé de la planification de la ville de Kemer.
Ici, c'est un funiculaire qui chevauche la colline d'un établissement pourtant baptisé "Natureland", là c'est un canyon qui est muré et son débouché sur la mer a été remblayé de pans de falaise pour installer une buvette. Plus loin, c'est une route construite trop près du rivage qui a dû être consolidée par des rochers faisant disparaître le sable.
Les exemples de gestion soucieuse de l'environnement existent, mais ils sont insuffisants pour relever le défi du boom touristique.
Relativement préservée parce que d'accès difficile avec son relief escarpé, la région est celle de Turquie où la biodiversité est la plus riche, avec plusieurs espèces de fauves et de cervidés, de mammifères marins et de poissons, d'essences d'arbres ou de fleurs menacées de disparition pure et simple.
La Lycie abrite ainsi cinq sites de ponte de la tortue marine "Caouanne", particulièrement sensible à la présence humaine et à la pollution, et dont des cadavres sont régulièrement retrouvés sur le sable.
A Kumluca, c'est l'agriculture intensive, sous serres, qui a complètement altéré la vaste plaine alluviale, pollué les sous-sols et laissé déserts 20 km de plage à laquelle une tortue ne confierait pas ses petits.
"On ne peut échapper au tourisme de masse, mais il faut en définir les limites, et le maintenir à l'écart des zones riches et sensibles", estime Emrah Bilge.
"Notre projet est participatif, les gens du cru et les acteurs économiques doivent travailler ensemble pour réussir une politique de conservation de l'environnement".
Pour Paolo Guglielmi, responsable de
l'unité "mer"
à WWF-Méditerranée, il n'est pas trop tard : "la
chance
de la Turquie, c'est qu'elle conserve un large potentiel pour
éviter
de développer son tourisme de la même manière que
la
France, l'Espagne ou l'Italie". (AFP, 3 octobre 2002)
Programme pilote pour la préservation de 10 éco-régions méditerranéennes
Destination phare du tourisme mondial, la Méditerranée, avec 220 millions de visiteurs en 1999 et 350 millions attendus en 2020, fait aujourd'hui l'objet d'une vaste campagne pour la préservation de ses côtes menacées, à commencer par le littoral lycien du sud de la Turquie.
Au terme de deux ans d'investigation sur les côtes de "Mare Nostrum", l'organisation de défense de l'environnement célèbre pour son emblème au panda, le World Wildlife Fund (WWF), a dressé une carte des zones à la fois les plus riches en espèces vivantes et les plus exposées à la pression touristique.
Le WWF a mis l'accent sur 10 régions où la bio-diversité est particulièrement en danger, dont la côte dalmate de Croatie, le nord de la Tunisie et le sud de la Turquie où un projet pilote de protection vient d'être inauguré.
Les autres zones comprennent la côte d'Alboran (Espagne-Maroc), la côte liguro-provençale (France-Monaco-Italie), la côte corso-sarde (France-Italie), la côte sud-tyrrhénienne (Italie), les îles et la côte ionienne (Albanie-Grèce), mer Egée et sud-ouest Anatolie (Grèce-Turquie) et le Golfe de Gabès (Tunisie).
"Après 3.500 années de vie commune dans cette zone géographique, on ne peut séparer les deux, homme et nature", a affirmé Paolo Guglielmi, responsable de l'unité "mer" à WWF-Méditerranée lors du lancement du projet.
"L'explosion du tourisme dans les années 60-70 s'est traduite par une explosion de l'urbanisation, essentiellement sur les côtes, qui nous oblige à nous pencher sur l'avenir de ces zones", a-t-il dit.
Lors d'un voyage de presse en Lycie, principal centre d'attraction d'un pays appelé à bientôt figuré parmi les trois premières destinations touristiques de Méditerranée, le WWF a passé en revue les bonnes et les mauvaises leçons que la région pouvait donner au restant de la Méditerranée.
Le bétonnage des bords de mer, comme devant les hôtels d'Antalya ou pour les besoins d'une route, prive les poissons d'un habitat et de zones de chasse, et certains phoques de leurs grottes.
L'aménagement "paysager" du littoral sacrifie des espèces indigènes pour des végétaux importés. Quand, dans un but utilitaire, on veut assécher des marais, les dégâts peuvent être irréversibles, ainsi que le montre l'arrivée de l'eucalyptus et d'un mimosa impossible à éradiquer, à l'origine de la formation d'une immense dune de sable à Patara.
Un aspect important, selon Emrah Bilge, responsable du projet "mer et côte" pour la Turquie, est la perte de l'identité locale, avec des constructions stéréotypées dans tous les coins du globe dès qu'une cité balnéaire devient à la mode.
Ainsi Kalkan, sur la côte lycienne, qui commence à ressembler à une cité préfabriquée suite à l'engouement qu'elle suscita auprès des touristes britanniques.
Les exemples à suivre existent aussi, avec le développement d'activités ou de sports qui tirent leur revenu de l'environnement, comme la plongée sous-marine.
Les fonds sous-marins de Kas, centre turc de la discipline, sont ainsi parmi les plus riches de Méditerranée et les mieux protégés grâce à une surveillance constante des professionnels.
C'est pourquoi Paolo Guglielmi recommande de "travailler avec tous les acteurs locaux, et prévoir à long terme" les activités d'une région.
S'il ne peut être ignoré et encore
moins
éradiqué, le tourisme de masse profite souvent moins aux
habitants d'une région qu'aux grandes sociétés, et
un pays voit souvent le retour financier par touriste diminuer avec
l'augmentation
du nombre de visiteurs, analyse Paolo. (AFP, 6 octobre 2002)
A la recherche du léopard et au secours d'autres espèces menacées
Le mythique léopard d'Anatolie a disparu depuis plus de 20 ans, mais des traces récentes attesteraient de sa survie dans les montagnes du Taurus, près d'Antalya (sud), région où de nombreuses espèces, animales ou végétales, sont menacées par l'homme.
Le tourisme de masse, dans cette région, la première visitée de Turquie avec 1/3 des visiteurs du pays, pourrait être le principal responsable de ces disparitions, craint le World Wildlife Fund (WWF) qui lance une campagne de sensibilisation pour le sauvetage de la bio-diversité en Méditerranée.
Ainsi la réduction de moitié de la superficie du Parc National du sud-ouest d'Antalya, qui a permis le développement de cités balnéaires sur la côte, coïncide avec la fin des apparitions du léopard d'Anatolie.
L'animal sans doute le plus emblématique de ces espèces en voie de disparition est le phoque moine, dont il ne reste qu'environ 450 individus dans le monde et 250 en Méditerranée, et qui fait partie des 12 espèces les plus menacées au monde.
Il est aperçu régulièrement du côté de la plage de Patara, protégée, et non loin de Kas, une zone où malheureusement les construction routières bouchent avec du béton des formations calcaires qui servent de grotte à cet animal extrêmement craintif.
Si elle n'est pas directement menacée, la tortue Caouanne voit elle aussi le nombre de ses sites de ponte diminuer, au point où l'on "ne sait pas ce que les mères pondeuses deviennent, sachant qu'elles ne viennent assurer leur descendance qu'à l'endroit où elles sont nées", s'inquiète Paolo Guglielmi, biologiste marin au WWF.
En milieu marin, les mérous sont particulièrement menacés ainsi que les maigres et les rascasses, raconte le plongeur Baki Yokes, qui achève une enquête de deux mois dans la région de Kas.
C'est là que se trouvent les plus beaux champs de nacre de la Méditerranée, un coquillage protégé par les réglementations européennes mais qui, ici aussi, souffre de l'intense tourisme nautique, ancres et chaînes détruisant son habitat sous-marin.
Des dégâts plus discrets, mais peut-être plus importants en terme d'espèces perdues à jamais concernent les plantes à fleurs, affirme Sema Atay, botaniste chez WWF.
"La région d'Antalya est sans aucun doute la plus riche de Turquie. Elle abrite un très grand nombre d'espèces endémiques, menacées sur la bande côtière où l'activité humaine et touristique est maximale", constate-t-elle.
Les données scientifiques manquent car l'ensemble des dizaines de milliers d'espèces végétales turques ne sont pas toutes répertoriées.
Mais la seule commune de Belek, banlieue d'Antalya totalement urbanisée par les grands hôtels, recensait à elle seule 31 espèces endémiques, présentes nulle part ailleurs. Le poirier sauvage Pyrus Serikensis, du nom de la commune de Serik, dans la zone de développement effréné autour d'Ankara, est probablement aussi condamné à très court terme, selon les scientifiques
Les dunes de Lara, à l'est d'Antalya, constituent un habitat totalement original entièrement colonisé par les centres de vacances, or "la disparition d'un habitat entier supprime plusieurs espèces ou dizaines d'espèces d'un coup", rappelle Sema Aktay.
Dans les montagnes du Taurus, plus loin des centres touristiques mais acculés par la diminution de leur aire vitale, il reste désormais moins de 500 chats sauvages dans la région, et les lynx, cerfs, mouflons, et daims sont eux aussi menacés, relevait récemment le magazine Yesil Atlas.
Symbole du Liban voisin, le cèdre, qui
lui aussi
a besoin d'être protégé, ne survit plus que dans
ces
montagnes du Taurus, alors qu'il a quasiment disparu dans le pays qui
lui
a donné son nom. (AFP, 6 octobre 2002)
AFFAIRES RELIGIEUSES / RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS
Ban on headscarved students goes on in schools
Reactions to the headscarf ban in Imam Hatip schools continue this year. Students, who prefer wearing headscarves, have gathered in front of Kadikoy Imam Hatip school almost everyday since the beginning of the new education term. Students, who ask the ban to be lifted, try to make their voice heard by organizing protests as they did last year.
Two demonstrations, which took place on Thursday and Friday, ended with police intervention. Events occurred during the intervention. The fact that female students were taken into custody caused reactions from some NGOs. A human rights organization, Solidarity for Oppressed People (Mazlumder) and Free Thought and Education Rights Association (Ozgurder) members gathered at Kadikoy Imam Hatip school in order to protest at police interventions and support students. Journalist-writer Abdurrahman Dilipak and artist Sanar Yurdatapan were among those people.
Mazlumder Chairman Ahmet Mercan criticized the security forces in his speech. Stating that this intervention was unacceptable, and added:
"Students, who seek their right and want to exercise education and faith rights together, were forced by the police. Some legal arrangements were made during the EU adaptation process but intervention for students showed us that human rights conscious, love and passion are necessary in order to implement these arrangements. Statements on paper were not meaningful without these factors. Police harshly intervened the students. This shows the lack of human rights culture."
Regarding the interventions as scandal and tragedy, Ozgurder Branch Chair Hulya Sekerci said, "We will always be with the students."
Dilipak, who stated that the police should not treat students harshly said:
"I want to remind our police forces that there is no time-limit for human rights and violence. No law allows children to be beaten with a stick. Turkey will not be humiliated because of the fact that these students chain themselves. You humiliate our country by beating them with a stick. You will have to pay damages in the future because of these unjust treatments."
Female students, who could not go to school last year and went to courses to pass class, say that they are determined to organize actions until the ban is lifted. Stressing that they would not take education without a headscarf, female students complain about insensitiveness of political parties about the issue. Beyzanur Tavukcuoglu, who believe that the ban will be lifted someday, said the following:
"I will continue to protest at the school until this problem is solved. My friends agree with me. Political parties' officials don't care about our problem. They should hear our voice."
Second-class student Esra Sukusu, who agrees with Tavukcuoglu, said: "If we want people to wear headscarves, there will occur rebellion. We cannot receive education with headscarves in a democratic country. They gave us headscarves in school registration and said 'you have to wear the headscarf that we gave you'. Now they don't allow us to go to class with a headscarf."
Emine Acer said: "We are here because we defend
the same
idea. Since this is imam hatip school, we should wear headscarves. We
are
against the ban. Many of our friends left the school after the ban.
Many
of them come to school without a headscarf. I am determined to wear a
headscarf."
(Hasan Altinisik, Turkish Daily News, October 9, 2002)
Lancement d'une procédure d'interdiction contre le parti pro-islamiste AK
Le procureur de la Cour de cassation a lancé mercredi une procédure visant à interdire le parti de la Justice et du Développement (AK, pro-islamiste), donné gagnant aux élections du 3 novembre en Turquie, a rapporté l'agence Anatolie.
Dans son acte d'accusation auprès de la Cour constitutionnelle, habilitée à mettre fin aux activités d'une formation politique, Sabih Kanadoglu invoque le fait que le chef du parti, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, n'a pas totalement respecté les lois sur les partis politiques, précise l'agence.
La Cour constitutionnelle avait exigé la démission de M. Erdogan de son poste de membre fondateur du parti AK, une décision à laquelle il s'était plié la semaine dernière.
Il avait toutefois refusé de démissionner de son poste de président du parti, estimant que les statuts du parti n'exigent pas qu'un président soit également membre fondateur.
M. Kanadoglu accuse le parti d'avoir "trompé" la justice, affirmant que M. Erdogan ne peut même pas être membre d'un parti politique en raison de son casier judiciaire.
M. Erdogan a été récemment déclaré inéligible en raison d'un emprisonnement de quatre mois en 1999 pour propagande islamiste aux termes de l'article 312 du code pénal pour "incitation à la haine religieuse".
M. Kanadoglu a également appelé la Cour constitutionnelle à ordonner la suspension de M. Erdogan de son poste de président du parti.
"Le système judiciaire a pour obligation d'empêcher les agissements de ceux qui visent par des faits accomplis à la poursuite d'activités illégales", souligne M. Kanadoglu.
Selon les derniers sondages, l'AK recueillerait quelque 25% des intentions de vote, ce qui lui permettrait de remporter la première place au parlement à l'issue des élections.
Un responsable de l'AK a regretté l'initiative du procureur, soulignant qu'elle ouvrirait la voie à une "concurrence déloyale" à moins de deux semaines des élections.
"La démarche du procureur est une erreur", a déclaré Bulent Arinc, vice-président du parti, cité par l'agence Anatolie.
Il a estimé que le lancement de cette procédure allait "fortifier la place de l'AK dans le coeur des électeurs".
M. Erdogan, âgé de 48 ans et ancien maire d'Istanbul, s'était gardé de toute critique à l'égard du système laïc ou des autorités militaires depuis son retour sur la scène politique l'an dernier, lorsqu'il avait fondé le parti AK.
Il rejette l'étiquette d'islamiste que lui attachent ses critiques, préférant parler de son parti comme celui d'une formation de centre-droite.
Mais son charisme et la montée en puissance de son parti ont suscité la crainte de la société civile laïque et des militaires qui doutent du caractère modéré de l'islamisme dont il se réclame désormais.
Les autorités turques ont par le passé régulièrement interdit des partis pro-islamistes tout comme des partis pro-kurdes accusés de velléités séparatistes.
L'AK était né d'une scission du parti islamiste de la Vertu (Fazilet), interdit en juin 2001 par la Cour constitutionnelle pour "activités antilaïques".
Le parti islamiste du Bonheur (Saadet), l'autre formation issue de cette scission, est dirigé par des fidèles de l'ex-Premier ministre Necmettin Erbakan interdit de politique aux termes de la décision d'interdir son parti de la Prospérité (Refah) pour des raisons similaires en janvier 1998.
Le processus d'interdiction d'un parti prend des
mois,
voire des années. (AFP, 23 octobre 2002)
Turquie: des perruques sur les foulards
Les jeunes femmes qui portent un foulard islamique s'arrêtent quelques instants dans un isoloir à l'entrée de la faculté de théologie de l'université d'Ankara. Lorsqu'elles en ressortent, elles se sont dévoilées... ou bien ont recouvert leur foulard d'une perruque.
La scène se répête à longueur de journée sous l'oeil attentif des gardes chargés de faire respecter la loi qui interdit le port du foulard islamique dans les universités et les administrations publiques en Turquie.
Malgré la tradition islamique du pays, le port du foulard est interprété comme une déclaration de soutien à l'Islam intégriste, contraire aux statuts laïcs du pays.
Sans le foulard, difficile de faire la différence entre les jeunes filles à la mode et celles qui sortent de l'isoloir. L'une, en route pour un cours coranique, porte toutefois une perruque rasta par dessus son foulard.
"Je sais que j'ai l'air ridicule. Je n'ai aucune revendication idéologique. Je veux juste suivre les préceptes de ma religion et aller en classe", affirme Derya Yildirim, 20 ans, dont la bordure d'un foulard rouge dépasse de sous sa perruque noire.
Selon Hafize Kontbay, la société toute entière a un préjugé contre le foulard. Récemment, on lui a demandé de quitter le premier rang des spectateurs dans un studio de télévision et de s'asseoir dans un endroit "moins visible" lors d'un programme en direct.
Les règles gouvernant le port du foulard ont été renforcées après 1997 lorsque l'armée est intervenue pour chasser du pouvoir le premier chef de gouvernement islamiste, Necmettin Erbakan, dont la politique inquiétait les défenseurs de l'Etat laïc.
Les autorités sont depuis restées sourdes aux manifestations et, selon des défenseurs des droits de l'Homme, quelque 2,000 étudiantes ont été bannies des universités pour avoir refusé de se dévoiler.
Le parti islamiste modéré de la Justice et du Développement (AK), qui mène dans les sondages pour les élections législatives de dimanche, prône une plus grande liberté religieuse, même s'il se garde bien de défendre ouvertement la liberté de porter le foulard.
Redoutant la colère des militaires, l'AK affirme simplement que le problème du foulard ne sera pas une priorité lorsqu'il viendra au gouvernement.
"Je ne fais confiance à aucun parti politique, et je ne pense pas que le problème sera réglé bientôt", affirme Nurcan Elmas qui ajuste son foulard en quittant la faculté.
Son amie, Esra Apaydin, souligne que le parti nationaliste MHP, un membre de la coalition gouvernementale sortante, a vite fait d'oublier sa promesse faite lors de la campagne électorale de 1999 de régler le problème du foulard dès sa venue au pouvoir.
Pour Husnu Ondul, le président de l'Association des droits de l'Homme, l'interdiction "est un signe clair que la Turquie n'est pas démocratique".
"Les partis politiques ne veulent pas ouvertement prendre de front les militaires. Ils se souviennent de ce qui s'est produit par le passé. La peur est toujours présente", selon M. Ondul.
Le parti islamiste de la Vertu a été interdit l'an dernier parce que, selon la justice, il encourageait les activités anti-laïques, y compris les manifestations pour le port du foulard.
Merve Kavakci, élue députée du parti de la Vertu, avait déclenché un tollé au parlement en s'y présentant avec un foulard pour prêter serment en 1999. Elle n'a d'ailleurs jamais pu prendre son siège.
En 1993, la Cour européenne des droits de
l'Homme,
a débouté deux étudiantes turques qui
poursuivaient
leurs universités pour refus de les laisser porter le foulard.
La
Cour a estimé que les droits de l'Homme ne donnent pas
automatiquement
le droit de suivre les préceptes d'une religion. (AFP, 30
octobre
2002)
Religious affairs en in brief
Headscarved Students
On 2 October Eyüp Penal Court No. 2 heard the case of 55 students, charged with having staged an illegal demonstration on 5 March. On that day they had not been allowed entry to Eyüp Anatolian Theological Lyceum. The defendants testified that they had waited at the police barricades to be allowed entry to their school. They rejected the charges of having conducted an illegal demonstration. Their lawyers asked for acquittal even before the testimony of all defendants was taken. The court adjourned the hearing to listen to further defendants. (Yeni Safak-TIHV, October 3, 2002)
Hezbollah Trial
On 3 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case of the alleged militant of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, M.Salih Kölge. The defendant stated that he could not testify, because he had not been able to study the indictment. He claimed that he was under psychological pressure in prison, which included not being allowed to grow a beard for religious reasons. During operations in Bakirköy and Sultanbeyli districts (Istanbul) the police detained the alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah Sevket Tilki, Hasan Canpolat and Sezai Öztoprak. Reportedly they were active in Batman and Siirt in the years 1994-1996. Istanbul SSC arrested Tilki and Canpolat (being wanted in Siirt), while the interrogation of Öztoprak is continuing. (Evrensel, Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 4, 2002)
Hezbollah Member Detained
Diyarbakir Chief of Police, Atilla Çinar, announced that the name of the person, who was detained during a house raid on 6 October, was Abdülkadir Aktas. He said that Ates was a militant of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah, involved in a number of armed actions including the assassination of former Diyarbakir Chief of Police, Gaffar Okkan. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 10, 2002)
Hezbollah Trials
Istanbul SSC No. 5 heard the case of 23 alleged members of Hezbollah. Nine of them were originally charged with the demand of the death penalty and the other 14 have to expect sentences according to Article 168 TPC. The defendants include Haci _nan, the alleged leader of Hezbollah, after the former leader Hüseyin Velioglu was killed, Ilyas Kutulman, said to be responsible for Istanbul, Abdulsetter Yildizbakan, Burhan Ekineker, Mehmet Bayram Eren, Sebahattin Alkan, Mehmet Cemil Erez, Ali Atim, Mehmet Kanli Biçak, Hüseyin Hilmi Hocalar, Abdulselam Geçkin, _brahim Evliyao_lu, Enver Kiliçarslan and Emin Ekinci. Defendant Burhan Ekineker complained that the vehicle for their transport to court had not sufficient fresh air. Sub-plaintiff Veysi Atçi wanted to know, whether his son Ahmet Atçi was still alive or not. Material of the company he worked for had been found in the house of apprehended Hezbollah militants, but even a DHA test had not indicated that any of the corpses belonged to his son. The court asked the prosecutor to prepare the final statement and adjourned the hearing to a later date. On 10 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 4 continued to hear the case of Haci Bayancik, Aydin Dagli and Fadil Sani, alleged militants of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. They had been detained last year and are charged under Article 146 TPC. They had not appeared in court so that their lawyers refused to make any statement. The court adjounred the hearing for a completion of the files. The police in Istanbul detained Orhan Eren, Cafer Ökmen and Seyit Faruk Diri, alleged militants of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. Reportedly Orhan Eren was on a list of wanted people in Bursa and Siirt and allegedly killed one person, who had been working for the police. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 11, 2002
Hezbollah Trial
On 15 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 1 continued to hear the case of Rifat Demir, Garip Özel, Ahmet Sahin and Ahmet Durmaz, alleged killers in the name of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah. The defendants pleaded not guilty and asked for their release. The court adjourned the hearing for the collection of further evidence. (DIHA-TIHV, October 16, 2002)
Radical Islamists on Trial
On 18 October Istanbul SSC continued to hear the case of 11 alleged members and supporters of the radical Islamic organization "Union of Islamic Parishes/Anatolian Federal Islamic State" (so-called Kaplancilar). Summing up the case the prosecutor asked for a conviction of Bülent Kaplan as member of an illegal organization, Seref Alçik, Mehmet Nacak and Ismet Demir as supporters of the organization and acquittal for the defendants Ahmet Bayoglu, Kamil Arslan, Ahmet Yagli, Ertan Dogan, Idris Dinçer, Selahattin Karakaya and Zübeyir Karaalp. (Cumhuriyet-TIHV, October 19, 2002)
Fethullah Gülen trial
On 21 October Ankara SSC No. 2 continued to hear the case of Fethullah Gülen, charged with "leading an illegal organization with the aim of activities against the Constitution". The Court asked the prosecutor to prepare the summing up of the case and adjourned the hearing to 25 November. (Zaman-TIHV, October 22, 2002)
Detentions, Arrests
In Istanbul 7 alleged members of the radical Islamic organization Hezbollah were detained. Among them Cem Osman Aktas, said to have been responsible for Agri province, and Muzaffer Abdulkaya, who reportedly killed four people on his orders, were sent to Diyarbakir for further interrogation. The other five people were taken to Istanbul SSC. The Court ordered the arrest of Cemal Arvas, said to be in charge of the military wing in Istanbul, Recep, Faysal and Bahri Selimoglu, but released Ömer Altintas. (Hürriyet-TIHV, October 23, 2002)
Hezbollah Trial
On 22 October Diyarbakir SSC No. 3 continued to hear the case of Mehmet Fidanci, charged under Article 146 TPC for the assassination of former Chief of Diyarbakir Police, Gaffar Okan and 5 police officers on 25 January 2000. The defendant did not attend the hearing, since he was under treatment at Batman State Hospital. The Court adjourned the hearing for a completion of the files. (Özgür Gündem-TIHV, October 23, 2002)
Detentions and Arrests
In Bursa the alleged members of the radical
Islamic organization
"Hizb-ut Tahrir" Cengiz Kurt, Ilyas Demir, Murat Güngör,
Celal
Sardag, Isa Erol, Kazim Faikoglu, Hayri Turan and Mustafa Koray Erfen
were
arrested on 25 October. On 24 October the police in Tunceli detained
two
persons, one of them Lizge Bozkurt, member of the women's wing of the
People's
Democracy Party (HADEP). In Elazig Ahmet Çelik was detained on
28
October. He had come from Mus to visit his brother Orhan Çelik
in
Elazig E-type Prison (Cumhuriyet, Özgür Gündem-TIHV,
October
26-29, 2002)
RELATIONS AVEC L'OUEST / RELATIONS WITH THE WEST
Tension turco-européenne sur la question d'élargissement
La Commission européenne a donné mercredi son feu vert à l'entrée de 10 nouveaux pays dans l'UE qui, malgré les obstacles considérables qui restent à surmonter, devrait compter 25 membres en 2004 après l'élargissement le plus important de l'histoire de la construction européenne. L'entrée de la Pologne, de la République tchèque, de la Hongrie, de la Lituanie, de la Lettonie, de l'Estonie, de la Slovaquie, de la Slovénie, de Malte et de Chypre doit tourner définitivement la page de l'après-guerre. Elle doit redessiner, treize ans après la chute du mur de Berlin, la carte d'un continent enfin unifié.
Dans un rapport très attendu sur l'élargissement, la Commission a en revanche choisi l'attentisme pour la Turquie en ne proposant pas de date pour l'ouverture de négociations d'adhésion malgré les appels répétés d'Ankara dans ce sens.
Le vice-Premier ministre turc Mesut Yilmaz a immédiatement fait part de son mécontentement, assurant que le rapport de Bruxelles était "loin de répondre aux attentes" de son pays.
La Commission a également opté pour la prudence en ce qui concerne la Roumanie et la Bulgarie, se contentant de prendre "note" de leur souhait d'intégrer l'Union en 2007.
Le Premier ministre danois Anders Fogh Rasmussn, dont le pays préside actuellement l'Union européenne, a estimé à Copenhague que la porte de l'UE restait ouverte à la Turquie, même si la Commission européenne a refusé de se prononcer sur une date d'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion avec ce pays.
Il a en même temps rejeté les critiques et frustrations exprimées par la Turquie mardi de ne pas avoir de perspectives d'adhésion à l'UE en dépit des réformes engagées dans ce pays.
"Je ne pense pas qu'il y ait une raison justifiée à ces critiques" a déclaré M. Rasmussen, lors d'un point de presse, à l'issue du conseil des ministres.
"Nous avons fermement souligné que nous apprécions les réformes réalisées en Turquie, mais nous avons évalué en même temps qu'il reste un long chemin à parcourir avant que la Turquie ne remplisse les critères politiques nécessaires pour fixer une date de démarrage des négociations" a-t-il ajouté.
M. Rasmussen a laissé entendre que la situation pourrait changer pour la Turquie d'ici le sommet européen des 12-13 décembre à Copenhague "qui décidera définitivement" du sort des 13 pays candidats.
"Il est tôt de dire maintenant comment la
situation
de la Turquie évoluera lorsque nous arriverons à ce
sommet.
Il y a beaucoup de facteurs à prendre en considération,
comme
les élections turques le 3 novembre" a-t-il ajouté. (AFP,
10 octobre 2002)
Turkey's shortcomings according to the EU Progress Report
The European Union Commission's "Progress Report" is a detailed study of whether the 13 candidate countries have managed to adapt themselves to the Copenhagen criteria or not.
It consists of three sections:
* Adaptation to the political criteria
* Adaptation to the economic criteria
* Adaptation to the community's acquis, that is, to the entire body of laws and regulations passed by the EU to date
Turkey has been devoted quite a large part in the report, that is, some 100 pages. Furthermore, there is the part in which the strategies to be conducted are given. Three pages of that part has been devoted to Turkey.
Heaping praise on Turkey
In the Commission report, the issue that hits the eye most is that the report reflects Turkey's efforts to adapt itself to the Copenhagen criteria and that, in general, these efforts are being supported.
The Commission report heaps praise on Turkey's attitude. It draws attention to the fact that all these efforts -- ranging from the death penalty to the mother tongue issue and from the economic reforms to the social steps -- have brought Turkey closer to the Copenhagen criteria.
It underlines with special emphasis how very important these efforts are from Turkey's standpoint. The giant steps taken for the sake of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in a country which has had to fight against terrorism all these years, are not being ignored. On the contrary, the report states that the space between the EU and Turkey, is getting smaller.
When it is the turn of the 'shortcomings'...
The EU Commission's Progress Report also lists the areas in which Turkey still has certain shortcomings when it comes to fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria, citing examples. The most important of these are given below:
* TORTURE: The failure to fully prevent the practice of torture despite all the pledges made and despite the official ban, is one of the most striking findings in the report. The report draws attention to this issue, citing specific cases rather than merely making allegations. It points out that the practice of torture is yet to be brought to a stop. It says that there is the impression that in the torture cases the Turkish state wants the charges to be dropped due to the statute of limitations. As an example, it cites the case of the students in Manisa.
* FREEDOM OF THOUGHT: The report says that though certain arrangements required to remove the restrictions in that area have actually been introduced, some of the restrictions do continue to exist. It gives examples. One significant factor that hits the eye in the report is that persons who have not resorted to violence, have not encouraged violence, person who made speeches in which they have not tried to justify violence, are being given prison sentences. It points out that still there are thousands of prisoners of conscience in the prisons. In this context, the case of the former Democracy Party (DEP) deputies are given as an example along with some other cases. The report points out that this situation is not compatible with the Copenhagen criteria.
* FREEDOM OF FOUNDING ORGANIZATIONS AND THE FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY: The report says that these freedoms too are yet to materialize fully, that the obstacles in that area still continue. It gives examples. In this context, it refers to the fact that Turkey is yet to get rid of the bureaucratic restrictions involving the foundations of the minorities. It says that in this regard the EU criteria have not been met.
* FREEDOM OF RELIGION: The report says that in Turkey members of the religions other than the Sunni sect of Islam are not enjoying full liberty, that they cannot open up their own worshipping grounds. It refers to the clerical school in Istanbul as an example in this context.
* CIVILIAN CONTROL OVER THE MILITARY: The report says that in this area too no progress has been made. From the standpoint of Copenhagen criteria the composition and modus operandi of the National Security Council (MGK) is being seen inadequate.
* ECONOMIC CRITERIA: The section that involves the economic criteria too heaps praise on Turkey. Then it lists the shortcomings:
1. The state is still occupying too wide a space in the realm of the economy.
2. The weaknesses continue in the financial sector, especially in the banking sector.
3. The court decisions on economic issues have been inconsistent.
Biggest problem crops up in implementation
The part of the EU Commission report that concerns Turkey is significant in that it underlines problems related to the practice.
It points out that Turkey is not properly implementing the bills it has passed with great courage.
It says that the prosecutors and the judges are bringing back the restrictions either by making use of certain legal loopholes they found in the new arrangements or by interpreting the new liberties introduced by the recently-passed amendments in a certain way, that is, by invoking certain "tricky clauses" in the Constitution and in the laws. In this context it refers to the fact that despite the amendment of the Article 312 of the Turkish Penal Code, the restrictive practices have continued.
In this context, what arises is the need to have a judicial reform, the need for the prosecutors and the judges to alter their mentality and their approach, and the need to implement the Copenhagen criteria everywhere in the country and in all respects.
The report refers to issues such as the independence of the judiciary and to the inconsistencies in the judicial decisions, citing the Tayyip Erdogan case as an example. It also draws attention to the inconsistencies in the judicial decisions on economic issues, citing specific cases.
To sum up, the European Commission is complaining that though Turkey has made an effort to adapt itself to the Copenhagen criteria and has taken commendable steps in that direction, it has failed to display a similar eagerness and a similar consistency when it comes to implementing the new bills.
The difference between Turkey and the other candidates
The Progress Report provides a crystal clear answer which should be given to those who have been asking the question, "What is the difference between Turkey and the other candidates?"
The answer is that Turkey is clearly lagging behind the other candidate countries in areas such as torture, human rights and freedom of thought.
This is made all too clear and this should be upsetting all of us as Turkish citizens.
Another interesting point is that the report does not link at all Cyprus's full membership to Turkey's full membership or to a political solution to be found to the Cyprus problem. The report gives merely a technical assessment.
Conclusion: Eliminate your shortcomings and let the leaders take the decision
In its Progress Report the European Commission adopts the following approach to how Turkey should maintain its bid for full membership:
* Turkey is proceeding on exactly the right track. This is commendable. It should continue taking steps in that direction and this should be supported by the EU.
* Further steps should be taken in order to comply fully with the Copenhagen criteria.
* Implementation must be on a wider basis and the developments must be closely monitored.
* The Customs Union must be expanded to cover the agricultural sector and the services sector as well.
* To support and facilitate Turkey's efforts, the financial assistance to Turkey should be doubled, raised to $300 million a year.
* The decision on how the relationship evolves, must be taken at the Copenhagen summit by the heads of state and government in line with the decision taken at the Sevilla summit.
EU wants to see Cyprus and the election results
1. The EU Commission has determined that Turkey has not achieved full compliance with the Copenhagen criteria yet and decided that no date should be given for the start of the accession talks. Since a negative answer would cause a great disappointment in Turkey, it has decided to postpone the decision, sending the ball into the court of the EU leaders.
2. Before taking a decision on Turkey the European Commission wants to see the outcome of the Nov. 3 election. The picture that will arise from the election will indicate the extent to which the Copenhagen criteria will be implemented. Whether Motherland Party (ANAP) clears the election threshold will affect the EU decision as well as the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) position and the majority vote to be obtained by Justice and Development Party (AKP).
3. Cyprus is another issue that will affect the EU decision. The EU Commission sees that the decision on Turkey will be indirectly linked to potential developments in Cyprus. Therefore, it has decided to wait until the Dec. 12 Copenhagen summit.
To sum up, the EU Commission has opted for
gaining time,
leaving to the EU member countries leaders the decision on whether to
give
Turkey a date or not. (Mehmet Ali Birand, Turkish Daily News, October
8,
2002)
Human Rights Watch Report on Turkey to the EU
A European Union (EU) report on Turkey's progress toward membership due out Wednesday could signal whether the European Union considers recent reforms enough for Turkey to start membership negotiations, Human Rights Watch said today. At its December Copenhagen summit, the European Union is expected to decide whether to give Turkey a date for negotiations.
Human Rights Watch offered its own assessment of Turkey's record in a backgrounder on the October 9 publication of the European Union Regular Report on Turkey's Progress Towards Accession. Hits and Misses on Turkey's EU Accession Targets includes information about the impressive strides that Turkey made during 2002 and the principal tasks that remain.
"During the past year, we have seen more substantial human rights improvements than any year since the 1980 coup," said Jonathan Sugden, Turkey researcher for Human Rights Watch. "Instead of the previous tiny grudging steps, we have seen two major strides and the promise of further improvements."
Sugden said the major strides include the abolition of the death penalty and the removal of constraints on minority language education and broadcasting.
Human Rights Watch also welcomed news Monday that the Justice Ministry had prepared a draft law to curb torture by permitting all detainees access to a lawyer from the first moments of detention. The 11th-hour initiative aimed to satisfy yet another EU condition before the EU report release.
Human Rights Watch cautioned, however, that Turkey still faces a number of human rights challenges, including restrictions on free expression, prison conditions and violations of the rights of internally displaced persons and refugees.
"There are two areas in particular where Turkey must still act in order to demonstrate that it has broken with its history of human rights abuses: torture and freedom of expression," said Sugden.
Human Rights Watch highlighted the importance of clear progress on free expression for non-violent opinion and full implementation of the anti-torture initiative, prior to the European Union's December Copenhagen summit.
Introduction
The European Union's (E.U.) Regular Report on Turkey, scheduled for release October 9, will provide the E.U.'s assessment of recent reforms in Turkey and an early indication of whether the E.U. intends to move forward on Turkey's membership application at its December summit.
Turkey became a candidate for E.U. membership in 1999, but the E.U. has said that Turkey must meet its 1993 Copenhagen criteria before membership negotiations can begin in earnest. The criteria require that all applicant states demonstrate "stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights, and respect for and protection of minorities." Turkey's failure to meet this test in past years has kept its application for membership lagging behind the twelve other applicants. But with the recent enactment of important reforms abolishing the death penalty and recognizing minority language rights, and a new initiative to tackle torture, Turkey hopes to finally clear the hurdle and get the E.U.'s December Copenhagen summit to set a date for membership negotiations to begin.
This backgrounder summarizes Human Rights Watch's assessment of Turkey's human rights performance since the E.U. issued its last regular report in October 2001. Key points Human Rights Watch expects to find in the October 2002 regular report include:
- Recognition of Turkey's abolition of the death penalty.
- Recognition of Turkey's removal of restrictions on broadcasting and education in minority languages, including Kurdish.
- Recognition of steps taken in recent days to implement the recommendation of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) that police should provide all detainees with immediate access to a lawyer.
- Concern about continued restrictions on free expression contained in Turkish law and exacerbated by the Turkish judiciary's failure to adhere to the European Convention on Human Rights.
- Concern about the continued imprisonment of Kurdish former parliamentarians Hatip Dicle, Orhan Dogan, Selim Sadak, and Leyla Zana after what the European Court of Human Rights has determined was an unfair trial.
- Concern about restrictions contained in the Law on Associations and the continued persecution of human rights defenders.
- Concern about the continued crisis in Turkey's F-Type prisons and a call for implementation of CPT-recommended weekly opportunities for prisoners to gather for group activities.
- Concern about the poor progress on return of displaced persons to their homes in southeastern Turkey and endorsement of U.N. and Council of Europe recommendations that an international meeting be called to help reshape the return program in line with international human rights standards, and in particular, the United Nations Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement.
- Concern about the continued restrictions on the rights of refugees and violations of the principle of non-refoulement.
Turkey and the E.U. Accession Process
Turkey became an official candidate for E.U. membership at the E.U.'s 1999 Helsinki summit. In 2000, as with all applicant states, the E.U. drew up an "Accession Partnership" document, detailing the steps it expected Turkey to take in the economic as well as political sphere. In March 2001, Turkey responded with its own "National Program for the European Union Accession Partnership Agreement." Though intended to map out how Turkey would meet E.U. expectations contained in the Accession Partnership document, Turkey's own program substantially watered down those commitments.
For more information on the Accession Partnership for Turkey and Turkey's Accession Program, see Human Rights Watch, "Turkey: Human Rights and the European Union Accession Partnership" (2000) at http://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/turkey2/ and Human Rights Watch, "Comments on Turkey's National Program for the European Union Accession Partnership Agreement," (2001) at http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/06/turkey-plan.htm.
Turkey's aspiration to join the E.U. provided a powerful incentive for reform, but in the first two years, progress was slow, characterized by superficial half-measures that brought about little fundamental change. For Human Rights Watch's assessment of progress as of 2001, see http://www.hrw.org/press/2001/09/turkey0928.htm.
In a potentially significant turnaround, however, the E.U. accession process has over the past year begun to reap real results in the human rights situation, though important tasks remain.
Major strides in 2002
The year since the last E.U. Regular Report on Turkey's progress toward accession has brought more substantial human rights improvement than any since the 1980 coup. Instead of the recurrent tiny grudging steps, we have seen two major strides and the promise of a third: abolition of the death penalty, removal of many constraints on minority language education and broadcasting, and the Ministry of Justice's very recent draft law, which, if passed by parliament and properly implemented, would ensure prompt access to legal counsel for all detainees, an important safeguard against torture.
These changes are all the more significant because they suggest a possible transformation of the Turkish state's view of itself and its relationship with the citizens it is supposed to serve.
Many Accession Partnership tasks remain outstanding, however. These include the protection of refugees; thoroughgoing reform of the Law on Associations, which shackles the development of civil society; resolution of the problems in the prison system; and support for the return of the hundreds of thousands of people displaced during the fifteen-year conflict between government security forces and the armed Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK).
But there are two areas in particular where Turkey must act in order to demonstrate that it has conclusively broken with its history of human rights abuses: torture and freedom of expression.
Continuing torture-and an initiative to end it
Turkish police and gendarmes still commonly torture their detainees. Intergovernmental bodies, including the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT), the U.N. Committee against Torture, and the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, agree that detention without access to a lawyer is the key factor in the persistence of torture in Turkey.
In the Accession Partnership, the E.U. called on Turkey to "undertake all necessary measures to reinforce the fight against torture ... and align legal procedures concerning pre-trial detention with the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights and with the recommendations of the Committee for the Prevention of Torture." (Article 4.1) In its national program, the Turkish government responded with an undertaking to align legal practices with CPT recommendations.
Until now, Turkey has not fulfilled this undertaking. In February 2002, the Turkish parliament passed measures to provide access to a lawyer for those detained on common criminal charges, but left in place provisions authorizing the police to detain those subject to state security court jurisdiction without giving them access to a lawyer for up to two days.
Consequently, torture has continued. In August, Human Rights Watch wrote to the Turkish Justice Minister about thirty-one reports of alleged torture involving fifty-five individuals, including four children and juveniles. The allegations included reports that police had beaten detainees, stripped them naked, sexually assaulted them, hosed them with cold water and subjected them to electric shocks. All the cases were reported to have taken place since the February 2002 reforms were passed.
Although common criminals have a theoretical right to legal counsel from the first moments of detention, in practice this right is usually denied. The persistence in law of detention without access to legal counsel for State Security Court detainees increases the risk of torture for common criminal detainees. Police officers have been known to threaten common criminal detainees, saying that they will add a political element to an alleged offense if the detainee insists on his right to legal counsel. More importantly, the denial of access to legal counsel to one group of detainees works against the establishment of a clear routine for police units to follow in all detentions: immediate contact with the family and legal counsel. Provision of access to a lawyer for this group of detainees is therefore a much-needed step.
In a welcome development, on October 7, the eve of the Regular Report release, Human Rights Watch received a copy of a draft amendment to the penal code, submitted by the Justice Minister for the Prime Minister's signature. The amendment strikes out the provision that delays State Security Court detainees access to legal counsel.
The draft is not yet law, and even a law will not protect detainees if it is not implemented. In order for this proposed reform to have an impact on the E.U.'s December decision, the new government that forms following the November 3 elections must pick up the draft and introduce the legislation as a task of utmost urgency.
Until that time, the present administration will have an opportunity to demonstrate its new-found commitment to end torture by ensuring that police and prosecutors scrupulously observe detainees' existing right of access to legal counsel, such as they are. Permitting state security court detainees access to their lawyer from the first moments of detention would be an even more convincing token of good faith.
The CPT has also recommended that Turkey abolish its practice of blindfolding detainees, but the Turkish authorities have not yet explicitly prohibited this practice. Detainees who have been tortured are very frequently required to sign sheaves of paper while blindfolded, including, apparently, a waiver of their right to legal counsel. When the CPT visited Diyarbakir Police Headquarters in March 2002, it found that over the preceding months hundreds of detainees were recorded as having relinquished their right of access to a lawyer over the preceding months.
In sum, if the draft is followed through with legislation and thorough implementation in the next months, Turkish police stations will no longer be a no-go area for lawyers and the system that has long permitted torture could be effectively broken.
Human Rights Watch expects the 2002 Regular Report to welcome the draft law providing access to legal counsel to all detainees, to urge early legislation and implementation, and to call for improved application of safeguards in the intervening months. The Regular Report should call on the Turkish government to issue a circular or decree prohibiting blindfolding of detainees and ensuring that reports of blindfolding will be investigated and that any officer found guilty of the abuse will be punished.
Continuing violations of freedom of expression
Successive Turkish parliaments have amended the laws that criminalize peaceful expression. Some changes have been notable moves forward, others merely gestures. This year several Turkish citizens were imprisoned for expressing their non-violent opinions. Particularly at risk were those who expressed trenchant ideas about the roles of religion and ethnicity in politics, or views that courts found "insulting" to state institutions.
Ahmet Ünlü, for example, was imprisoned on a two-and-a-half-year sentence in January this year. His crime was to describe the 1999 earthquake in Western Turkey as a "heavenly warning" to a society that had departed from Islamic principles, commentary deemed impermissible under article 312 of the penal code, which criminalizes "incitement to religious hatred." Tayyar Tas, a Kurdish villager, was arrested in July under article 159 of the criminal code for "insulting" the military by accusing them of burning his village. Many others are threatened with imprisonment on similar charges.
There is recognition at high levels of government that the limits imposed on free expression are unacceptable. Ahmet Necdet Sezer, a judge and former president of the constitutional court, was elected president of the Turkish Republic in May 2000 after making a series of bold speeches calling for the legal system to be "cleansed" of its repressive features. In his inaugural speech, he continued this theme: "We cannot meet the demands of a modern society without abandoning the structure and regulations redolent of a police state."
Yet, it appears unlikely that parliament will in the near future succeed in extensive reform of the criminal code and the hundreds of other articles of legislation that inhibit free expression. Moves to do so have been branded by powerful opposition within parliament as a compromise with "separatism," "religious extremism" or a near-treasonable betrayal of the state. For the time being, this leaves the task with the judiciary, which has a poor record on protection of free expression and has rarely demonstrated convincing independence.
The courts are not necessarily bound by Turkey's restrictive domestic legislation. Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution provides that international treaties take precedence over Turkish domestic law. Judges could therefore reflect the European Human Rights Convention in their judgments, incorporating the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. Were the courts to do so, it would be a powerful deterrent to prosecutors contemplating bringing politically motivated cases involving freedom of expression.
Human Rights Watch expects the 2002 Regular Report to refer clearly to the outstanding shortcomings regarding freedom of expression in Turkish legislation and judicial decisions, and to urge the judiciary to incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights and ECHR jurisprudence in its judgments.
Other priority human rights issues
The E.U.'s regular report is expected to survey a number of other key issues in Turkey's human rights record.
Long-term arbitrary detention. The report should criticize the continued long-term arbitrary detention of persons held for the peaceful expression of their political beliefs, specifically Kurdish former deputies Hatip Dicle, Orhan Dogan, Selim Sadak, and Leyla Zana. Turkey has ignored the decision of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) that they were convicted following an unfair trial. The July reform gave those who win such a judgment from the ECHR the right to a new trial, but with the former parliamentarians clearly in mind, the Turkish parliament restricted this right to those who gain ECHR judgments in the future, denying this remedy to past plaintiffs, including the jailed former parliamentarians.
Restrictions on freedom of association. Human Rights Watch expects the report to highlight continued problems with freedom of association and, in particular, unlawful restrictions and the use of force against human rights defenders. Throughout the past year, police and local governors have continued to prohibit or intervene to disperse meetings and peaceful demonstrations by civil society organizations that criticize the state. Legislative reform enacted in August included small amendments to the Law on Associations, but it remains an extremely cumbersome and restrictive law, often used by the authorities to curb civil society activities.
Prison conditions. The report should also note the continued stalemate in Turkey's high security F-Type prisons, where state security court prisoners are held in one or three-person cells with limited opportunities for out-of-cell association and activities. A hunger strike in protest of the conditions has claimed sixty-four lives so far. The Justice Ministry this year belatedly announced a program of out-of-cell activities and weekly opportunities for association, but limited implementation has left most prisoners in potentially harmful isolation.
Plight of internally displaced persons. The E.U. report should record the government's continued failure to facilitate the return of at least 200,000 villagers who were displaced by the conflict in the southeast. Though active hostilities ceased in 1999, few villagers have ventured home. Government statistics on return are contradictory and unreliable. Human Rights Watch investigations indicate that a substantial proportion of those who have returned were communities of government-supported paramilitary village guards. The majority of the displaced continue to live in very difficult circumstances of overcrowding and poverty in towns and cities throughout the country. U.N. Special Representative of the Secretary General on Internally Displaced Persons Francis Deng visited Turkey this year and recommended an international meeting to develop a return plan that meets international standards.
Treatment of refugees. The E.U. report should also critique Turkey's treatment of refugees.
Contrary to E.U. demands, Turkey has failed to lift its geographical reservation on the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, under which it does not recognize non-European refugees. Its procedures for protecting such refugees are substandard and raise serious concerns that refugees are frequently returned by Turkey to countries where their life or freedom is threatened.
Conclusion
The foregoing is not an exhaustive survey of E.U. Accession Partnership expectations from Turkey
with regard to human rights. In fact, there are a number of issues not mentioned in the Accession Partnership that the European Commission persistently overlooks in its yearly report on progress: the thousands of young women denied higher education because they choose to wear the headscarf for religious reasons, for example, and the right of conscientious objection to military service.
In view of the very strong opposition to change shown by elements of Turkey's leadership, the progress that Turkey has made during 2002 deserves considerable credit. In addition to the landmark abolition of the death penalty and language reforms, this year has brought the progressive lifting of the state of emergency, the withdrawal of derogation from Article 5 of the European Convention of Human Rights (liberty and security), and a promising initiative to safeguard detainees from torture. The Turkish government must quickly follow through on that promise, and, in concert with the judiciary, do whatever is necessary to ensure that prisoners of opinion are released and that its citizens are never again jailed for expressing their non-violent views.
The E.U.'s regular report will be most effective
in addressing
these outstanding concerns if it provides a very detailed list of
legislative
and practical steps for Turkey to take during the remainder of the
accession
process. (HRW, October 8, 2002)
Turkey's top court refuses to stop implementation of key EU-reforms
Turkey's top court rejected a petition Tuesday to suspend implementation of laws granting Kurds minority rights and abolishing the death penalty_ crucial reforms for Turkey's bid to join the European Union.
Constitutional Court Justice Hasim Kilic told reporters the petitions, filed by nationalist lawmakers, "were denied in their entirety."
The petitions had sought to put on hold laws granting Kurds the right to teach and broadcast their language and abolishing the death penalty in peacetime.
While the court rejected the request to delay implementation of the laws, it has yet to rule on an appeal on the legality of the reforms.
Lawmakers rushed to pass the sweeping legislation in August, hoping the laws would help Turkey to secure a date for accession negotiations by the end of the year.
But nationalists opposed the reforms, saying they could reward Kurdish rebels who waged a 15-year war for regional autonomy in southeastern Turkey. Nationalists also demand that rebel leader Abdullah Ocalan be hanged for the insurgency.
Turkey had not executed anyone since 1984 and a Turkish court last week commuted Ocalan's death sentence to life in prison according to the new laws.
Tuesday's decision came a day before the
European Union
was set to release a key report on Turkey's progress in implementing
human
rights reforms. (Associated press, Oct 8, 2002)
La Turquie dénonce le rapport de l'UE, attend Copenhague
La Turquie a exprimé sa déception mercredi après la publication d'un rapport sur l'élargissement de l'Union européenne qui s'abstient de fixer une date pour l'ouverture de négociations d'adhésion avec Ankara.
Et elle a indiqué qu'elle espérait toujours une décision favorable au sommet européen de Copenhague en décembre.
"Dans ce tournant critique (...) le rapport sur l'élargissement est loin de satisfaire nos attentes", a déclaré le vice-Premier ministre Mesut Yilmaz, en charge du dossier européen, lors d'une conférence de presse.
Il a indiqué que le sommet européen de Copenhague devait fixer une date pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion avec la Turquie, réclamées avec insistance par Ankara depuis l'adoption en août au parlement turc d'un vaste éventail de réformes démocratiques.
"La Turquie n'a qu'un seul objectif: devenir un membre à part entière à l'UE. Le processus d'intégration de la Turquie est irréversible", a-t-il souligné, rejetant tout "statut spécial" que l'UE pourrait être tenté d'offrir à son pays.
Il a tenté de minimiser l'impact du rapport, assurant qui n'était encore que "technique".
Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Sukru Sina Gurel a de nouveau averti mercredi qu'un refus de l'UE de fixer, dès cette année, une date en 2003 pour l'ouverture de négociations porterait un revers sérieux aux relations entre Bruxelles et Ankara.
Si la Turquie devait faire face à une nouvelle déception au sommet européen, les 12-13 décembre à Copenhague, cela "aura inévitablement un impact défavorable sur les autres aspects des relations entre la Turquie et l'UE, indépendamment de qui est au pouvoir en Turquie", a-t-il déclaré à la presse.
Dans son rapport sur l'élargissement de l'UE, adopté mercredi par la Commission européenne, Bruxelles salue les efforts "considérables" de la Turquie, candidate à l'UE depuis 1999, sur les droits de l'Homme, mais l'appelle à d'autres efforts.
Estimant que les réformes démocratiques adoptées cet été à une large majorité par les députés turcs avaient "démontrées la volonté inconditionnelle de la Turquie" d'intégrer l'UE, M. Yilmaz a estimé que celles-ci étaient "suffisantes" pour un feu vert des Quinze à une ouverture des négociations d'adhésion.
Parmi ces réformes figurent l'abolition de la peine de mort en temps de paix et l'octroi de droits culturels pour les Kurdes.
Le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères a pour sa part estimé dans un communiqué que "la Turquie a acquis le droit d'amorcer des négociations" d'adhésion en 2003 grâce aux réformes adoptées.
Le texte souligne la volonté politique de la Turquie de poursuivre les réformes et de mettre en oeuvre celles déjà adoptées, ajoutant qu'un "rapprochement" euro-turc serait dans l'intérêt des deux parties.
Devlet Bahceli, chef du parti ultra-nationaliste MHP (partenaire du gouvernement de coalition), qui n'a jamais caché son opposition aux réformes d'août, a accusé l'UE de ne pas être "sincère" vis-à-vis de la Turquie.
"L'UE doit être sincère et honnête et doit renoncer à une politique deux poids deux mesures", a dit M. Bahceli à Cankiri (centre) lors d'un meeting électoral à l'approche des élections législatives du 3 novembre.
Le Premier ministre danois Anders Fogh
Rasmussen, dont
le pays préside actuellement l'UE, a estimé à
Copenhague
que la porte de l'UE restait ouverte à la Turquie, laissant
entendre
que la situation pourrait changer d'ici le sommet de Copenhague "qui
décidera
définitivement" du sort des 13 pays candidats. (AFP, 9 octobre
2002)
La Turquie condamnée pour traitements inhumains à l'encontre d'une détenue
La Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme a condamné mardi la Turquie à verser un total de 28.000 euros de dommages et intérêts pour des "traitements inhumains et dégradants" infligés en 1995 à une jeune détenue et sanctionnés par l'article 3 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme.
Les juges des droits de l'Homme ont également estimé que la participation d'un militaire à la Cour de sûreté de l'Etat d'Istanbul qui a condamné la jeune femme à 15 ans de prison l'a privée de son droit à être jugée par "un tribunal indépendant et impartial", garanti par l'article 6 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'Homme.
Meryeme Algür, une étudiante âgée de 22 ans à l'époque, avait été arrêtée le 21 mars 1995. A l'issue d'une garde à vue de 14 jours, elle signa une déposition dans laquelle elle faisait état de prétendues activités au sein du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, séparatiste).
La jeune femme, qui est toujours détenue actuellement à la maison d'arrêt de Bayrampasa, a assuré par la suite avoir été frappée à coups de poings et de pieds, menacée de mort et de viol, et insultée au cours de sa garde à vue durant laquelle elle n'a pas eu accès à un avocat.
Elle a également accusé les policiers de lui avoir infligé le supplice de "la pendaison palestinienne" consistant en une suspension par les bras, ainsi que des décharges électriques au moyen d'électrodes fixées aux seins, aux pieds et au buste.
Ces mauvais traitements ont été contestés par les autorités turques mais les juges de Strasbourg ont relevé que "deux examens médicaux successifs donnèrent lieu à l'établissement de deux rapports en totale contradiction" à l'issue de la garde à vue.
En outre, contrairement aux instructions du médecin de la maison d'arrêt (qui avait fait état dans son rapport de "douleurs aux bras, aux jambes et au cou" et constaté "un tremblement général ainsi que deux égratignures de 1 cm x 1 cm sur les seins) aucun examen médical complémentaire ne fut effectué, déplore la Cour des droits de l'Homme.
Aussi, "en l'absence d'explication de la part du
Gouvernement
sur cette discordance flagrante (entre les deux rapports
médicaux),
la Cour conclut que l'examen initial, n'ayant décelé
aucune
trace de lésions, n'a pas eu lieu en bonne et due forme". (AFP,
22 octobre 2002)
La Turquie menace de revoir ses relations avec l'Union européenne
La Turquie faisait monter les enchères vendredi en menaçant de revoir ses relations avec l'Union européenne si celle-ci refusait l'ouverture l'an prochain de négociations sur son adhésion.
"Si l'Union européenne ne prend pas la décision d'entamer des négociations d'accession avec la Turquie en 2003, les relations UE-turques souffriront et la Turquie devra reconsidérer tous les aspects de ses relations avec l'Union", a déclaré le ministre des Affaires étrangères Sukru Sina Gurel à l'Agence Anatolie.
Ce nouvel avertissement intervenait au moment même où les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement de l'UE se retrouvaient à Bruxelles pour discuter de l'élargissement.
Selon un projet de conclusions de la présidence danoise, diffusé vendredi matin à Bruxelles, l'UE salue les "progrès remarquables" accomplis par la Turquie en matière de respect des droits de l'Homme et ses "avancées" dans le domaine économique. Mais le projet n'évoque aucune date pour l'ouverture de négociations.
La Turquie, qui souhaite rallier l'UE depuis des années, veut que l'UE lui accorde un échéancier pour ces négociations, au plus tard à Copenhague en décembre.
"Nous ne pensons pas proposer une date à Copenhague" pour l'ouverture des négociations d'adhésion avec la Turquie," avait toutefois avancé jeudi Romano Prodi, le président de la Commission européenne.
Interrogé vendredi à Ankara sur les tractations en cours, le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a estimé que l'UE attendait le résultat des élections législatives du 3 novembre en Turquie pour se prononcer.
"En attendant, ils jouent la montre. Il faut nous montrer patients", a affirmé M. Ecevit à la presse.
A la question de savoir si la Turquie accepterait en dernier resort une réponse conditionnelle de l'UE plutôt qu'une date ferme, le Premier ministre a répondu: "Non, nous ne pouvons accepter une telle chose".
Selon M. Gurel, "la décision politique qui sera prise par l'UE (à Copenhague) affectera non seulement la Turquie, mais l'avenir de l'Europe et l'identité qu'elle se choisit".
Et d'ajouter: les leaders européens
"veulent-ils
une Europe multi-culturelle, multi-religieuse et véritablement
pluraliste
ou non?"
La Turquie craint qu'une absence de
décision
de l'UE cette année ne sonne le glas de ses espoirs de rejoindre
la communauté, celle-ci risquant d'avoir fort à faire
pour
intégrer les 10 pays déjà retenus pour son
élargissement.
Outre une remise en cause de ses relations avec Bruxelles, Ankara dispose d'autres cartes à jouer pour tenter d'influer sur l'UE.
Elle peut s'opposer à un accord entre l'UE et l'OTAN sur la mise en oeuvre de la défense européenne, faire jouer la pression américaine à un moment où Washington a besoin de son appui contre l'Irak, et faire monter la pression concernant Chypre.
Si l'UE accepte l'adhésion de l'île méditerranéenne avant un réglement du contentieux politique entre Chypriotes grecs et turcs, Ankara menace par exemple d'annexer la partie nord de l'île qu'elle occupe.
"Ce pourrait être une annexion, une relation d'autonomie ou le renforcement de nos relations" avec la République de Chypre du nord, avançait M. Ecevit jeudi à la télévision.
Chypre est divisée depuis que les troupes turques ont envahi le nord de l'île en 1974 en réponse à un coup d'Etat pro-héllène à Nicosie.
La question européenne est également importante pour au moins deux des partis au pouvoir en Turquie qui craignent d'être battus aux élections alors qu'ils ont bataillé sans compter pour obtenir du parlement le vote de réformes pro-européennes en août dernier.
Mais un refus européen ferait l'affaire des certains nationalistes.
Plusieurs journaux voyaient d'ailleurs la main de ces nationalistes derrière des accusations d'espionnage portées par la cour de sureté de l'Etat contre six fondations allemandes travaillant en Turquie.
Ces accusations, formulées au moment
même
où l'Allemagne se prononce pour l'ouverture de
négociations
entre l'UE et la Turquie, pourraient nuire aux relations entre Berlin
et
Ankara, selon les observateurs. (AFP, 25 octobre 2002)
L'UE lance des signaux positifs à la Turquie
Le sommet de Bruxelles a permis d'adresser vendredi quelques nouveaux signaux positifs à la Turquie, pays candidat à l'entrée dans l'Union européenne depuis 1999, mais l'ouverture de négociations d'adhésion n'est toujours pas d'actualité.
Dans leurs conclusions, les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement des Quinze "se félicitent des mesures importantes prises par la Turquie" pour remplir les critères politiques requis avant les négociations.
Ils saluent aussi les "avancées" enregistrées dans le domaine économique et en matière d'intégration de la législation communautaire. "La perspective de l'ouverture de négociations s'en trouve ainsi rapprochée", soulignent les Quinze, mais aucune date n'est encore évoquée.
Alors que le projet de conclusions du sommet se contentait de constater que la Turquie avait pris ces mesures jugées importantes, la formulation finalement retenue qui "se félicite" de l'effort accompli se veut "plus chaleureuse", a-t-on observé de source proche de la présidence danoise des Quinze.
L'UE ajoute qu'elle "encourage" Ankara à poursuivre le processus engagé. Elle prévoit de préparer, en vue du sommet européen de Copenhague les 12 et 13 décembre, "les éléments permettant de décider de l'étape suivante de la candidature" turque, sans toutefois en préciser le contenu.
Cette formule assez vague pourrait cependant décevoir à Ankara, où l'on insiste depuis plusieurs mois sur la nécessité de fixer enfin une date d'ouverture des négociations, alors que du côté de l'UE, cette demande apparaît encore prématurée.
Le président français Jacques Chirac a ainsi estimé que "tous les Européens sont impressionnés par les progrès faits récemment par la Turquie, notamment dans le domaine des droits de l'homme, mais ils sont obligés de constater que ces progrès sont encore insuffisants".
"A partir de là, il est très difficile de fixer des dates", a-t-il observé, ajoutant que l'on pouvait néanmoins fixer des "espoirs, des ambitions".
Le Premier ministre danois, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, est resté ouvert dans la perspective de Copenhague, en indiquant que l'UE "va suivre ces sept prochaines semaines les développements en Turquie de très près" et "alors procéder à une évaluation définitive".
Cette semaine déjà, le ministre allemand des Affaires étrangères, Joschka Fischer, avait fait savoir que l'Allemagne entendait "tout faire pour obtenir le signal le plus positif possible" à Copenhague envers la Turquie, sans pour autant préciser "à quoi ressemblera" ce signal.
En plein sommet, le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères, Sukru Sina Gurel, a de son côté haussé le ton vendredi en affirmant que "si l'Union européenne ne prend pas la décision d'entamer des négociations d'accession avec la Turquie en 2003, les relations UE-Turquie souffriront et la Turquie devra réexaminer tous les aspects de ses relations avec l'Union".
La question de la Turquie pourrait revenir à l'ordre du jour dès lundi lorsque les dirigeants des pays candidats se rendont à Copenhague à l'occasion d'un sommet avec la présidence danoise pour faire le point après le sommet de Bruxelles.
Mais pour l'heure, l'UE a le regard
tourné vers
une échéance capitale pour la Turquie: les toutes
prochaines
élections législatives anticipées du 3 novembre.
(AFP,
26 octobre 2002)
Les conclusions du sommet "positives" mais insuffisantes, selon Ankara
Le président turc Ahmet Necdet Sezer a qualifié dimanche les conclusions sur la Turquie du sommet de l'Union européenne de Bruxelles de "positives" mais estimé qu'elle ne satisfont pas aux "attentes" de son pays.
"Le paragraphe sur la Turquie peut-être qualifié de positif (...) mais il ne satifait pas nos attentes", a-t-il dit devant la presse à l'aéroport avant de quitter Ankara pour Copenhague où il doit assister lundi à un sommet de la présidence danoise de l'UE avec les 13 pays candidats.
Il a souligné qu'il expliquerait aux responsables de l'UE que son pays attend du sommet de Copenhague, les 12-13 décembre, de donner son feu vert à l'ouverture en 2003 de négociations d'adhésion à l'UE, réclamée avec insistance par Ankara.
"Nous aurons l'opportunité à Copenhague d'évoquer avec détermination nos attentes justifiées concernant le processus futur de notre candidature" à l'UE, a-t-il dit.
Le chef de l'Etat turc a réaffirmé que les réformes démocratiques et politiques adoptées en été par la Turquie répondaient aux critères nécessaires pour décrocher une date d'ouverture de négociations d'adhésion avec les Quinze.
Dans son rapport sur l'élargissement publié le 9 octobre, la Commission européenne s'était abstenue de fixer une date pour la Turquie, estimant que les progrès politiques d'Ankara, bien que spectaculaires depuis un an, restaient insuffisants sur certaines questions relatives au respect des droits de l'Homme.
Dans leurs conclusions du sommet de Bruxelles qui s'est achevé vendredi, les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement des Quinze se sont félicités "des mesures importantes prises par la Turquie" pour remplir les critères politiques requis avant les négociations, sans évoquer cependant de date.
Le ministre des Affaires
étrangères Sukru
Sina Gurel a menacé vendredi de reconsidérer les
relations
de son pays avec l'UE si celle-ci ne lui donne pas de date pour
l'année
prochaine. (AFP, 27 octobre 2002)
La défense européenne en retard à cause de la Turquie, selon Athènes
La mise en place d'une défense européenne connaît "un retard important" en raison du "refus" de la Turquie de contribuer à la discussion sur la question des relations UE-Otan, a affirmé mercredi le porte-parole grec du ministère des Affaires étrangères.
Le porte-parole, Panos Béglitis, a exprimé ses "craintes" qu'aucun accord ne puisse intervenir d'ici au sommet de l'OTAN à Prague en novembre.
"Le sujet est difficile", a-t-il dit lors d'un point de presse, indiquant que les ministres des Affaires étrangères de l'UE réunis lundi et mardi à Luxembourg n'avaient "pas avancé" sur ce point.
"La défense européenne n'avance pas car la Turquie n'est pas en mesure de prendre d'initiatives", a déclaré de son côté le porte-parole du gouvernement, Christos Protopapas, à l'issue d'un conseil ministériel consacré notamment aux affaires européennes.
Un différend entre la Grèce (membre de l'Union européenne et de l'OTAN) et la Turquie (membre de l'OTAN, mais pas de l'UE) bloque les négociations sur la conclusion d'un accord définissant les relations permanentes entre l'UE et l'Alliance depuis plus d'un an.
"Tous nos efforts reposent sur le texte adopté par les Quinze au sommet de Séville en juin et les initiatives du Haut représentant de l'Union européenne Javier Solana", a indiqué M. Béglitis.
Le chef de la diplomatie turque, Sukru Sina Gurel, a catégoriquement exclu au début du mois un assouplissement de la position de son pays, estimant que "la question a été résolue" par l'accord d'Ankara, un compromis trouvé en décembre 2001 avec Londres et Washington et que la Grèce a rejeté.
Le Premier ministre Costas Simitis, en tant que président des questions de défense de l'UE, informera ses partenaires de l'évolution de l'affaire lors du sommet européen, jeudi et vendredi à Bruxelles, tandis que "le président Jacques Chirac posera le problème du remplacement" par l'UE de l'OTAN en Macédoine, a ajouté M. Béglitis.
Le remplacement par l'UE de l'OTAN en Macédoine dans le cadre de l'opération "Amber Fox" (Renard Roux) butte sur la conclusion de l'accord définissant les relations permanentes entre l'OTAN et l'UE.
Le ministre grec de la Défense, Yannos
Papantoniou,
a affirmé à la mi-octobre que la force de réaction
rapide de l'UE serait opérationnelle "le 1er mars 2003". (AFP,
23
octobre 2002)
Foundations controversy sparks crisis in ties with Germany
A State Security Court (DGM) indictment against five German foundations in Turkey, accusing them of clandestine activities to undermine the Turkish state and espionage, was threatening to damage ties between Turkey and Germany Friday, at a time when the two countries enjoys warm relations as German leaders pushed the European Union to set a date for the beginning of membership talks with Turkey.
Reports of a DGM case against German foundations came when Foreign Minister Sukru Sina Gurel was in Berlin for talks with his German counterpart Joschka Fischer. "Germany's sensitivity over the issue has been conveyed to the foreign minister Gurel," said Yusuf Buluc, spokesman for the Foreign Ministry.
But the spokesman added that Turkey upheld the principle of the supremacy of law, something praised a lot in EU countries as well.
"We continue to believe that the accusations against the foundations ... are groundless," German Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Antje Leendertse said in Berlin. "We are confident that the foundations will ultimately be publicly rehabilitated."
The German Embassy in Ankara described accusations as "nonsensical, improper and baseless" in a statement, which said the German government was constantly conveying its unrest on efforts to hamper foundations' operations in Turkey.
In Ankara, the pro-EU camp was on tenterhooks, fearing that charges against the foundations would harm Turkey's membership bid, at a time when EU leaders gather in Brussels for a summit on enlargement. On Thursday, EU Commission President Romano Prodi dashed Turkey's hopes, saying the commission would not propose a date for talks with Turkey in the union's upcoming summit in December in Copenhagen.
"The indictment came at the worst time," said Wulf Schoenbohm, Turkey representative of Konrad Adaneur Foundation, one of five foundations charged with secret alliance against the security of the Turkish state by the Ankara DGM, predicting that some EU politicians in Brussels summit will take this case into consideration while considering Turkey's membership bid.
"I am sure that Turkish politicians are frustrated reading this indictment because they should know that this will mobilize institutions in Germany and other EU countries against Turkey. Because in every EU country, we are well-known as a correct and solid-working institution. Everybody will see that these allegations are ridiculous. Why should German politicians be in favor of Turkey, they will say look at Turkey, how it handles our foundations."
Schoenbohm's Konrad Adaneur Foundation is linked to Christian Democrats which is skeptical towards Turkey's membership bid. He said Konrad Adaneur Foundation has done a lot to change the Christian Democrats view towards Turkey.
Former DGM prosecutor Nuh Mete Yuksel, sacked from office earlier this week after a sex scandal, said the accused formed "a secret alliance," building up close ties with ethnic and religious groups with the aim of breaking up Turkey.
German foundations' executives dismissed accusations as baseless and ridiculous. "Charges are nonsensical. It is a scandal that the court accepts such an indictment," Schoenbohm said, emphasizing that Konrad Adaneur is a foundation promoting reforms and EU membership goals of Turkey.
The indictment seeks up to 15 years in prison for the accused. The accused include the representatives of the Konrad Adenauer, Heinrich Boell, Friedrich Ebert and Friedrich Naumann foundations, and the Orient Institute. The former head of the Istanbul bar association and lawyers who led a campaign against a trans- national company's plans to mine gold in a western village also faced the same charges.
Anti-EU camp behind accusations
According to Schoenbohm, DGM charges against foundations will make the anti-EU camp happy because it is likely to harm Turkey's membership bid.
"Some in the Turkish civilian and military
bureaucracy
still have the old mentality. They do not trust society, NGOs, and
foreigners
in particular," he said. (Turkish Daily News, October 26, 2002)
Un Belge soupçonné de trafic d'armes extradé de la Turquie vers la Belgique
Un Belge soupçonné de trafic d'armes, arrêté le 11 mai à Istanbul sur un mandat d'arrêt d'Interpol émanant de la Belgique et de la France, a été extradé mardi de la Turquie vers la Belgique, a-t-on appris mercredi de source proche du dossier.
Jacques Monsieur avait été arrêté le 11 mai à l'aéroport d'Istanbul en provenance de Téhéran, où il venait de purger une peine de prison prononcée en novembre 2000 notamment pour "espionnage".
Depuis son arrestation en Turquie, il était incarcéré dans une prison spéciale, la prison de "Type F" de Kartal (partie asiatique) pour des raisons de sécurité.
Jacques Monsieur, âgé d'environ 45 ans et résidant depuis plusieurs années en France près de Bourges (centre), était recherché à la fois par les autorités belges et françaises, a indiqué mercredi à l'AFP l'un de ses avocats, Me Hervé Cabeli.
En octobre 2001, la justice belge l'a condamné en son absence, alors qu'il était détenu en Iran, à cinq ans de prison pour "commerce illicite d'armes" notamment, a précisé Me Cabeli.
"Au moment de son arrestation en Turquie, Jacques Monsieur attendait une correspondance pour Bruxelles où il avait décidé de s'expliquer devant ses juges pour être rejugé", a affirmé Me Cabeli.
Par ailleurs, M. Monsieur faisait aussi l'objet
d'un mandat
d'arrêt international délivré par un juge
d'instruction
français. Cette affaire, encore à l'instruction à
Bourges, porte également sur un commerce illicite d'armes. (AFP,
9 octobre 2002)
RELATIONS REGIONALES / REGIONAL RELATIONS
Menaces d'Ankara contre un Etat kurde indépendant en Irak
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a averti samedi les Kurdes du nord de l'Irak que la Turquie prendrait "les mesures nécéssaires" si la réunion de leur parlement débouchait sur la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant à proximité de la frontière turque.
"Nous restons vigilants", a souligné M. Ecevit à propos du Parlement du Kurdistan irakien, qui a tenu vendredi à Erbil, en Irak, sa première session depuis six ans. Cette séance a scellé la réconciliation entre les deux formations kurdes rivales, le Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) de Massoud Barzani et l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) de Jalal Talabani.
"Si les choses vont plus loin, la Turquie, bien sûr, prendra les mesures nécéssaires", a déclaré à la presse le Premier ministre turc. "L'établissement d'un Etat indépendant (kurde) près de nos frontières serait inacceptable", a-t-il dit.
La Turquie redoute qu'au cas où les Etats-Unis renverseraient le régime de Saddam Hussein, les Kurdes irakiens ne déclarent leur indépendance, une perspective qui pourrait inciter les Kurdes du sud-est de la Turquie à faire à leur tour sécession.
M. Ecevit a également commenté avec circonspection le message du secrétaire d'Etat américain Colin Powell au parlement des Kurdes d'Irak se félicitant de l'accord intervenu entre le PDK et l'UPK et les appelant à persévérer dans la paix.
"Je ne sais pas dans quelle intention ce message a été envoyé. Mais si cette initiative a été prise en ayant à l'esprit un objectif de création d'un Etat indépendant, nous ne la saluerons pas et ne la considèrerons pas comme un acte amical. Mais je ne crois pas que telle était son intention", a conclu le chef du gouvernement turc.
Plus tôt dans la journée, M. Ecevit
avait
démenti que Washington ait demandé à la Turquie
son
autorisation pour utiliser ses bases aériennes pour
d'éventuels
bombardements contre l'Irak, comme l'a affirmé une chaîne
de télévision privée. (AFP, 5 octobre 2002)
"Plusieurs centaines" de soldats turcs déjà en Irak
La Turquie maintient "plusieurs centaines" de militaires dans le nord de l'Irak, a reconnu jeudi le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Sukru Sina Gurel dans une interview à l'AFP.
"Le nombre de soldats turcs en Irak du nord est négligeable", a affirmé Sukru Sina Gurel, "ils doivent être des centaines, plusieurs centaines".
Les responsables turcs ont récemment reconnu que la Turquie maintenait des soldats dans le nord de l'Irak, mais sans préciser leur nombre.
L'armée turque a mené des incursions dans le nord de l'Irak pour y donner la chasse aux combattants séparatistes kurdes du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, transformé récemment en KADEK, une formation "politique") qui selon Ankara y ont établi des bases pour lancer des attaques contre le territoire turc.
La Turquie maintient cette présence militaire en premier lieu pour défendre ses interêts sécuritaires, a expliqué le ministre. "Ces interêts sécuritaires sont toujours d'actualité", a-t-il dit.
La deuxième raison de cette présence est "humanitaire", car en 1991, "près de 600.000 réfugiés ont traversé la frontière turque", et quand ils sont rentrés, la Turquie a dû s'occuper de leurs problèmes, et cela continue, a ajouté M. Gurel.
Les responsables turcs sont à présent préoccupés par la possibilité de création d'un Etat indépendant par les Kurdes d'Irak qui contrôlent cette région depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991.
Interrogé sur la possibilité pour ces soldats d'être associés de près ou de loin à une intervention américaine en Irak, M. Gurel a estimé que "l'on ne peut pas aller à la guerre avec quelques centaines de soldats, bien sûr".
M. Gurel s'est refusé à répondre à la question de savoir quelle serait l'attitude de ces militaires au cas où les deux factions kurdes nord-irakiennes tenteraient d'instaurer un Etat indépendant dans cette région non contrôlée par Bagdad.
"Nous pensons que toute solution politique doit être basée sur l'intégrité territoriale de l'Irak, et que toutes les composantes irakiennes doivent faire leur choix" sur l'avenir de l'Irak, a rappelé M. Gurel.
"Toute solution doit être fondée
sur le droit
et le consensus de la communauté internationale et des parties
intéressées",
selon M. Gurel, qui reconnait que l'Irak a instauré dans la
région
"la menace et l'agression" depuis le début des années 90.
(AFP, 10 octobre 2002)
L'Irak met en garde la Turquie contre l'ouverture de ses bases aux Américains
L'Irak a mis en garde la Turquie mardi contre l'ouverture de ses bases aux Américains en cas d'action militaire contre Bagdad, affirmant qu'elle ne serait alors plus considérée comme un pays ami.
A des journalistes qui lui demandaient si son pays verrait toujours la Turquie comme amie si elle ouvrait ses bases aux Américains, le vice-Premier ministre irakien Tarek Aziz a répondu: "Absolument pas".
Il s'est toutefois empressé d'ajouter que "les intérêts de la Turquie ne permettront pas aux Américains de menacer un pays voisin et ami".
Ses remarques, traduites de l'arabe en turc, intervenaient au sortir de ses entretiens avec le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit.
La Turquie, membre de l'Otan, héberge déjà sur la base d'Incirlik, dans le sud-est du pays, des avions britanniques et américains chargés de faire respecter la zone d'exclusion aérienne imposée par l'ONU après la guerre du Golfe dans le nord de l'Irak.
Cette base avait été massivement utilisée pendant la guerre du Golfe en 1991.
M. Aziz, qui a également été reçu par le président Ahment Necdet Sezer, a affirmé que "les menaces contre l'Irak constituaient aussi une menace pour la région et la Turquie", qui souffriraient "sévèrement" au niveau économique en cas d'intervention militaire contre son pays.
Le gouvernement turc s'est récemment prononcé contre une intervention militaire américaine, estimant qu'elle pouvait déstabiliser la région et aggraver ses propres difficultés économiques.
La Turquie craint surtout que les Kurdes du nord de l'Irak ne profitent d'un éclatement du pays pour revendiquer une plus grande autonomie, voire l'indépendance.
Les deux principales factions kurdes qui contrôlent le nord de l'Irak depuis 1991 -- l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) et le Parti Démocratique du Kurdistan (KDP) -- viennent de rédiger un projet de constitution pour une "république fédérale irakienne" qui reconnaîtrait une région autonome kurde dans le nord du pays.
S'exprimant mardi dans le journal Hurriyet, M. Ecevit a accusé certains pays occidentaux, dont les Etats-Unis, d'encourager les Kurdes irakiens dans leurs visées indépendantistes.
L'établissement d'un Etat kurde indépendant aux frontières de la Turquie est "inacceptable", a-t-il ajouté.
La Turquie, qui sort tout juste de 15 années de lutte contre le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK), craint qu'un Etat kurde indépendant à sa frontière ne réveille les aspirations séparatistes de sa propre minorité kurde.
Les "encouragements" prodigués aux Kurdes d'Irak par Washington vont à l'encontre de ses efforts pour obtenir le soutien de la Turquie dans son différend avec le régime de Saddam Hussein, a encore affirmé M. Ecevit.
"Nous ne demandons pas l'indépendance, nous appelons à une solution fédérale pour l'ensemble de l'Irak," a affirmé pour sa part Safeen Dizayee, le représentant du KDP à Ankara.
Selon le général à la retraite Armagan Kuloglu, un spécialiste au Centre des études stratégiques d'Eurasie à Ankara, la Turquie pourrait au final être amenée à appuyer militairement les Etats-Unis en cas de feu vert des Nations unies.
Mais, plutôt que d'offrir des bases logistiques, Ankara pourrait se proposer d'occuper le nord de l'Irak, jusqu'au 36eme parallèle.
Ceci permettrait de préserver
l'intégrité
territoriale de l'Irak en éliminant la menace d'un Etat kurde.
(AFP,
1 octobre 2002)
Les Kurdes d'Irak se réconcilient en pleine crise entre Bagdad et Washington
Le Parlement du Kurdistan irakien a scellé vendredi la réconciliation entre les factions qui se disputaient ce territoire, en ratifiant un accord de paix signé en 1998 à Washington, sur fond de menaces de frappe américaine contre le régime de Saddam Hussein.
Au cours de sa première session depuis six ans, ce Parlement a approuvé à l'unanimité l'accord signé entre les chefs du Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) Massoud Barzani et de l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) Jalal Talabani, qui ont participé à la séance.
Les 105 membres (51 du PDK, 49 de l'UPK et cinq représentants des assyriens chrétiens) du Parlement, élu en 1992, étaient présents, ainsi que Danielle Mitterrand, présidente de l'Association France-Libertés et veuve de l'ancien président français François Mitterrand, qui défend la cause kurde.
A l'ouverture de la séance, le président du Parlement Rozh Nouri Shawees a lu un message du secrétaire d'Etat américain Colin Powell, qui soutient la réconciliation entre l'UPK et le PDK et sa solidarité avec les Kurdes d'Irak. Il affirme que les Kurdes sont "les alliés" dans la lutte antiterroriste.
"Ce jour n'est pas de moindre importance que celui qui a vu l'élection de ce Parlement", a déclaré M. Barzani devant l'assemblée, avant de "présenter des excuses" pour les victimes des combats meurtriers entre les deux factions rivales, qui ont fait quelque 3.000 morts.
Le chef du PDK a remercié les gouvernements américain, britannique et turc pour la protection qu'ils offrent au Kurdistan, en renforçant la zone d'exclusion aérienne imposé par Washington et Londres sur le nord de l'Irak.
La base d'Incirlik, dans le sud de la Turquie, est utilisée par l'aviation américaine qui surveille cette zone d'exclusion.
"Les Kurdes ne menaceront pas la sécurité et la stabilité de leurs voisins et nous sommes prêts à donner des assurances" en ce sens, a ajouté M. Barzani, faisant allusion aux craintes d'Ankara.
La Turquie est opposée à la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant dans le nord de l'Irak et redoute que les Kurdes de cette région ne soient tentés par une sécession, au cas où les Etats-Unis renverseraient le régime de Bagdad. Elle a menacé de recourir à une action militaire dans une telle éventualité.
M. Barzani a affirmé en outre que les deux formations "vont mettre de côté leurs différends et oeuvreront en commun dans l'intérêt de leur cause et de leur peuple". "Nous avons toujours combattu le terrorisme et nous allons continuer à le faire", a-t-il dit.
Pour sa part, M. Talabani a souligné que le soutien des Kurdes à un Irak fédéral signifiait "la sauvegarde de l'unité irakienne, que le gouvernement irakien n'a pas fait" et soutenu que "l'unité des Kurdes n'est dirigée contre personne".
Lors d'une conférence de presse à l'issue de cette session, M. Talabani a annoncé que les deux partis sont convenues d'organiser des élections (législatives) "d'ici six à neuf mois, si la situation dans la région continue à être normale".
M. Barzani a affirmé de son côté que "les Américains ont promis de protéger le peuple kurde et la région contre toute agression".
Le responsable des relations extérieures du PDK, Hoshyar Zebari, a pour sa part annoncé que la prochaine réunion du Parlement unifié se tiendra mardi à Soulaimaniya.
Le Parlement kurde avait cessé le 3 juin 1996 ses travaux, rendus impossibles par les violents affrontements opposant alors les deux principales factions qui contrôlent la région depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991.
Les chefs du PDK et de l'UPK ont repris le dialogue début septembre, annonçant le 8 de ce mois un accord "mettant fin à tous (leurs) différends et réglant les questions en suspens".
En 1992, après la guerre du Golfe, le PDK et l'UPK avaient formé un gouvernement, non reconnu sur le plan international, dans le nord de l'Irak.
Réunis mercredi dans la petite ville de
Dokan,
à 65 km au nord de Soulaimaniya, le bastion de l'UPK, MM.
Barzani
et Talabani ont pris des mesures pour rétablir la confiance
entre
leurs deux formations. (AFP, 4 octobre 2002)
Mise en garde d'Ankara contre un Etat kurde indépendant en Irak
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a averti samedi les Kurdes du nord de l'Irak que la Turquie prendrait "les mesures nécéssaires" si la réunion de leur parlement débouchait sur la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant à proximité de la frontière turque.
"Nous restons vigilants", a souligné M. Ecevit à propos du Parlement du Kurdistan irakien, qui a tenu vendredi à Erbil, en Irak, sa première session depuis six ans. Cette séance a scellé la réconciliation entre les deux formations kurdes rivales, le Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) de Massoud Barzani et l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) de Jalal Talabani.
"Si les choses vont plus loin, la Turquie, bien sûr, prendra les mesures nécéssaires", a déclaré à la presse le Premier ministre turc. "L'établissement d'un Etat indépendant (kurde) près de nos frontières serait inacceptable", a-t-il dit.
La Turquie redoute qu'au cas où les Etats-Unis renverseraient le régime de Saddam Hussein, les Kurdes irakiens ne déclarent leur indépendance, une perspective qui pourrait inciter les Kurdes du sud-est de la Turquie à faire à leur tour sécession.
M. Ecevit a également commenté avec circonspection le message du secrétaire d'Etat américain Colin Powell au parlement des Kurdes d'Irak se félicitant de l'accord intervenu entre le PDK et l'UPK et les appelant à persévérer dans la paix.
"Je ne sais pas dans quelle intention ce message a été envoyé. Mais si cette initiative a été prise en ayant à l'esprit un objectif de création d'un Etat indépendant, nous ne la saluerons pas et ne la considèrerons pas comme un acte amical. Mais je ne crois pas que telle était son intention", a conclu le chef du gouvernement turc.
Plus tôt dans la journée, M. Ecevit
avait
démenti que Washington ait demandé à la Turquie
son
autorisation pour utiliser ses bases aériennes pour
d'éventuels
bombardements contre l'Irak, comme l'a affirmé une chaîne
de télévision privée. (AFP, 5 octobre 2002)
Irak : Ankara hésite entre son soutien aux USA et sa hantise des Kurdes
Face à une possible attaque des Etats-Unis en Irak, la Turquie hésite entre son soutien traditionnel au grand frère américain et sa hantise non moins traditionnelle à l'égard des Kurdes.
"L'établissement d'un Etat indépendant (kurde) près de nos frontières serait inacceptable", a martelé ce week-end le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit.
Si les Kurdes d'Irak venaient à créer un Etat indépendant, la Turquie prendrait "les mesures nécessaires", a-t-il averti au lendemain d'une réunion du parlement mis en place par les deux factions kurdes qui contrôlent le nord de l'Irak depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe.
La Turquie craint que l'apparition d'un Etat kurde à sa frontière ne réveille les velléités de sécession de sa propre minorité kurde dans le sud-est du pays.
Quinze années de guerre contre le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) ont traumatisé le pays et expliquent l'intransigeance d'une partie de la classe politique face à la moindre revendication d'une population qui compte de 12 à 20 millions de personnes, soit près d'un habitant sur quatre en Turquie.
Ce n'est que l'été dernier que le parlement turc, soucieux de l'attitude de l'Union européenne que le pays voudrait rallier, a autorisé l'enseignement privé et la diffusion radio-télévisée en langue kurde. Cette réforme demeure toutefois contestée, notamment par les ultra-nationalistes.
Ceci permet de comprendre que les Kurdes irakiens tentent de rassurer Ankara.
"Les Kurdes ne menaceront pas la sécurité et la stabilité de leurs voisins et nous sommes prêts à donner des assurances", affirmait par exemple vendredi Massoud Barzani, leader du Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK).
Le PDK et l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) de Jalal Talabani veulent créer un Etat fédéral en Irak au sein duquel les Kurdes disposeraient d'une large autonomie.
"Le fédéralisme veut dire l'union, pas la division," affirme Said Ahmed Pire, responsable de l'UPK pour les relations étrangères.
La Turquie, qui maintient depuis plusieurs années des soldats dans le nord de l'Irak, affirme son attachement à l'intégrité territoriale de son voisin, mais n'hésite pas à revendiquer un droit de regard sur cette ancienne province ottomane et le droit d'y défendre les intérêts de la minorité turcomane.
"Les ressources naturelles de l'Irak ne sont pas des ressources qui peuvent être octroyées à tel ou tel élément du peuple irakien", affirmait récemment le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Sukru Sina Gurel pour lequel il faut empêcher les Kurdes de s'approprier les riches puits de pétrole de la région de Kirkouk.
"Comme nous l'avons fait à Chypre, nous prendrons le moment venu ce qui nous revient de droit à Mossoul et Kirkouk", affirmait plus énergiquement encore samedi le président du parlement turc, l'ultra-nationaliste Omer Izgi.
"La Turquie devrait prendre l'initiative et ses forces armées prendre le contrôle du nord de l'Irak, plus ou moins jusqu'au 36e parallèle" avant toute opération militaire américaine, avance pour sa part le général à la retraite et spécialiste géopolitique Armagan Kuloglu.
Ceci permettrait "d'endiguer l'afflux de réfugiés, de garantir la sécurité des Turcomans et d'empêcher les Kurdes de devenir économiquement forts en prenant la région de Mossoul et Kirkouk", ajoute-t-il, estimant que 30.000 à 40.000 hommes suffiraient à la tâche.
"La Turquie perdra beaucoup si elle ne prend pas une part active" au renversement du président irakien Saddam Hussein, estime lui aussi le général à la retraite Cevik Bir.
Et d'ajouter : "la Turquie devrait se
préparer
à une opération qui semble inévitable". (AFP, 6
octobre
2002)
Kurdes d'Irak: Ankara évoque une possible réponse militaire
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a prévenu dimanche que son pays pourrait envisager une intervention militaire si les Kurdes du nord de l'Irak proclamaient un Etat indépendant à proximité de la frontière turque, selon l'agence de presse Anatolie.
"Nous allons bien observer ce qui se passe dans le nord de l'Irak et nous prendrons les mesures nécessaires si le moindre changement négatif apparaissait", a déclaré le Premier ministre lors d'une interview sur la chaîne de télévision TV8, dont le texte a été diffusé par Anatolie.
A la question de savoir si ces "mesures"
pourraient inclure
une opération militaire, M. Ecevit a répondu :
"J'espère
que non, mais si cela s'avère nécéssaire, (cette
option)
pourrait être envisagée, bien sûr".
Des soldats turcs sont déjà
présents
dans le nord de l'Irak. La Turquie redoute qu'au cas où les
Etats-Unis
renverseraient le régime de Saddam Hussein, les Kurdes irakiens
ne déclarent leur indépendance, une perspective qui
pourrait
inciter les Kurdes du sud-est de la Turquie à faire à
leur
tour sécession.
La Turquie a multiplié ses mises en garde depuis que les deux principales formations kurdes rivales contrôlant le nord de l'Irak, le Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) et l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK), ont organisé vendredi une session de leur parlement, pour la première fois depuis six ans.
La crainte de la création d'un Etat kurde
dans
la région pousse la Turquie à s'opposer à un
changement
de régime en Irak. Elle a accusé les Etats-Unis qui
cherchent
à unifier l'opposition irakienne contre Bagdad, d'encourager les
Kurdes dans cette voie. (AFP, 6 octobre 2002)
Ecevit qualifie d'"inacceptable" un projet de constitution des kurdes d'Irak
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit a qualifié d'"inacceptable" un projet de constitution récemment avancé par les groupes kurdes d'Irak, affirmant qu'il "ignore" l'administration centrale, dans un entretien au journal Milliyet publié mercredi.
"Ce projet en l'état est inacceptable (...) Si ce projet qui ignore Bagdad est adopté et officialisé, la Turquie ne l'acceptera pas", a-t-il averti.
Ses déclarations font suite au projet récemment avancé par les deux principales factions kurdes qui contrôlent le nord de l'Irak depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991 et qui appelle à une nouvelle administration fédérale pour l'Irak.
Le Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) de Massoud Barzani et l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) de Jalal Talabani ont scellé vendredi leur réconciliation après des années d'affrontements meurtriers en tenant une réunion de leur parlement.
"Le projet de constitution prévoit un statut (pour le nord de l'Irak) proche de l'indépendance", selon M. Ecevit.
La Turquie est opposée à la
création
d'un Etat kurde indépendant dans le nord de l'Irak, craignant
une
contagion autonomiste parmi sa propre population kurde dans le sud-est
du pays. (AFP, 9 octobre 2002)
Ankara et Téhéran signent un accord pour régler leur contentieux gazier
La Turquie et l'Iran ont signé un accord pour régler leur contentieux gazier, a déclaré mercredi le ministre turc de l'Energie, Zeki Cakan, de retour d'une visite à Téhéran.
"Il a été signé entre Botas (la compagnie d'Etat turque de gaz et de pétrole) et la compagnie d'Etat iranienne de gaz un accord qui respecte les intérêts des deux pays," a-t-il dit, cité par l'agence Anatolie, à la presse à l'aéroport d'Ankara.
Selon Anatolie, cet accord a été signé tôt mercredi par les responsables turcs et iraniens à Téhéran après que l'Iran eut accepté de baisser le prix du gaz importé par la Turquie.
M. Cakan a affirmé que les parties étaient aussi convenues de réduire la quantité de gaz importé par la Turquie. "Cet accord rend l'utilisation du gaz iranien attrayant de par son prix et sa flexibilité d'importation", a-t-il dit, sans autre précision.
Le ministre a admis que son pays avait été ammené à reviser ses accords d'importation de gaz en raison de ses problèmes économiques.
M. Cakan a révélé début septembre que la Turquie avait suspendu ses importations de gaz iranien depuis le 24 juin, en raison d'une qualité insuffisante, selon Ankara.
Les livraisons par le gazoduc reliant la ville iranienne de Tabriz (nord-ouest) à Ankara ont débuté en décembre 2001, avec un retard de deux ans sur le calendrier prévu, les deux pays connaissant de sérieux différends techniques.
Le contrat, signé en 1996, malgré l'opposition des Etats-Unis, portait sur un montant de 20 milliards de dollars et une durée de 25 ans.
A partir de 2002, l'Iran devait livrer 4 milliards de m3 de gaz par an, pour atteindre graduellement 10 milliards de m3 en 2007.
En raison de ses obligations d'achat de gaz
naturel à
l'étranger, la Turquie qui ne dispose pas actuellement
d'installations
de stockage de gaz, a été amenée à lancer
deux
projets d'enfouissement qui devraient être finalisées en
2005.
(AFP, 9 octobre 2002)
Adhésion de Chypre à l'UE: la RTCN et la Turquie haussent le ton
Les négociations interchypriotes seront rompues et la division de Chypre deviendra "permanente" si l'Union européenne (UE) accepte l'adhésion de la partie grecque de l'île avant un accord de réunification, ont averti vendredi les Chypriotes-turcs.
Dans le même temps à Ankara, le chef de la diplomatie turque Sukru Sina Gurel déclarait que son pays ne ferait aucune concession concernant Chypre pour obtenir une date pour l'ouverture de ses propres négociations d'adhésion à l'UE.
"Si le secteur grec est admis à l'UE, il n'y aura plus de possibilités de poursuivre les négociations interchypriotes" visant à la réunification de l'île, selon un communiqué de la République turque de Chypre du nord (RTCN, reconnue par la seule Turquie).
Le document met en garde contre les conséquences d'une telle admission qui va rendre "permanente" la division de l'île.
La Commission européenne a donné un avis positif mercredi à l'adhésion de Chypre à l'UE en 2004, même en cas d'absence d'un règlement à la division de l'île.
La Commission s'est abstenue de donner un feu vert à la Turquie pour des négociations d'adhésion, mais a appelé Ankara à des "efforts concertés" pour faire aboutir les pourparlers à Chypre avant décembre, lorsque la décision sur l'adhésion à l'UE de l'île sera officiellement prise.
Soumis à une pression internationale pour qu'ils surmontent leurs divisions avant l'élargissement, le président chypriote-grec Glafcos Cléridès et le dirigeant chypriote-turc Rauf Denktash ont entamé des discussions en janvier sous l'égide de l'ONU, mais celles-ci achoppent sur plusieurs points, notamment le partage des pouvoirs.
M. Gurel a catégoriquement exclu toute concession de son pays. "Il circule une hypothèse non valable qui est que la Turquie va céder sur Chypre pour décrocher une date de l'UE. Il s'agit d'une attente fondamentalement erronée", a-t-il dit.
Si les dirigeants de l'UE acceptent, en décembre, l'adhésion de Chypre, ils commettront "une erreur historique", a-t-il ajouté, en avertissant que cette adhésion entraînera un renforcement des liens entre Ankara et la RTCN.
Le porte-parole du gouvernement chypriote-grec, Michalis Papapétrou, a minimisé l'importance de ces menaces.
"Cela fait 28 ans que la partie turque maintient la division de l'île, alors rien n'a changé", a-t-il dit à l'AFP, affirmant néanmoins que "tôt ou tard une solution sera trouvée au problème chypriote".
M. Papapétrou s'est même déclaré en faveur de l'ouverture de négociations Turquie-UE. "Nous pensons que la Turquie devrait être encouragée dans le cadre du processus européen et obtenir une date pour l'ouverture des négociations, à condition qu'elle remplisse les conditions de l'UE et les critères concernant Chypre", a-t-il dit.
Ankara, qui occupe le nord de l'île depuis son intervention militaire en 1974, a menacé d'annexer cette partie si le secteur grec adhère à l'UE avant un règlement. La Grèce affirme qu'elle opposerait son veto au processus d'élargissement de l'UE si Chypre n'était pas admise.
Athènes s'est félicité du feu vert de la Commission européenne à Chypre, estimant qu'il pourrait jouer un "rôle catalyseur" dans les négociations.
Pour la RTCN, il serait "illégal" aux termes des accords de 1960 sur l'indépendance de Chypre que l'île intègre une organisation internationale dans laquelle la Turquie et la Grèce, pays garants de ces accords avec la Grande-Bretagne, ne seraient pas membres.
La presse chypriote-turque réagissait, quant à elle, favorablement vendredi au rapport de la Commission européenne.
Le journal libéral Kibris a estimé qu'un éventuel feu vert à la Turquie, au sommet européen de Copenhague, pourrait avoir des répercussions favorables sur un règlement de la question chypriote.
Mehmet Ali Talat, le chef du parti
Républicain
chypriote-turc (CTP, gauche) qui est en faveur d'une adhésion de
la partie turque de l'île avec le sud, a appelé l'UE
à
"aider" la Turquie à respecter les critères dits de
Copenhague
sur les droits de l'Homme et la démocratie avant le sommet de
décembre.
(AFP, 11 octobre 2002)
Ecevit irrité par la "capitale" kurde du nord de l'Irak
Le Premier ministre turc Bulent Ecevit s'est montré irrité samedi par la proclamation par les deux factions kurdes d'Irak du nord d'une "capitale" pour leur région échappant au contrôle de Bagdad, estimant que les choses allaient "trop loin".
"Les choses sont allées trop loin désormais", a dit le chef du gouvernement en réponse aux questions de journalistes sur l'accord entre le Parti Démocratique du Kurdistan (KDP) et l'Union Patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) pour une "Constitution " et Kirkouk pour "capitale", ont montré les chaînes de télévision.
"Il nous faut discuter de ces questions plus précisément, plus en profondeur, avec ceux qui sont concernés, en premier lieu les Etats-Unis", a dit M. Ecevit, estimant que l'annonce de la "Constitution" kurde nord-irakienne était une "tromperie".
"C'est une situation véritablement inquiétante, une situation que nous ne pouvons pas accepter", a-t-il encore dit, promettant de "se saisir du sujet".
"Jusqu'à présent, cette question était plus une question de sécurité" (pour la Turquie), a estimé Bulent Ecevit, "mais ce n'est plus suffisant, nous devons en discuter d'un point de vue politique" avec les Etats-Unis.
Selon le chef du gouvernement turc, il n'est pas question de déploiement militaire à la frontière de la Turquie avec l'Irak, "les problèmes pouvant se régler pacifiquement".
La Turquie s'est inquiétée ces derniers temps des risques qu'une intervention américaine contre Bagdad ne débouche sur la formation d'un Etat kurde indépendant au nord de l'Irak, non contrôlée par Bagdad depuis la fin de la Guerre du Golfe.
Ankara craint qu'un tel Etat ne serve d'exemple aux velléités séparatistes d'une partie de son importante minorité kurde, après quinze ans d'une rébellion armée à laquelle le Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan a mis fin il y a 3 ans.
"Quelques centaines" de soldats turcs sont
stationnés
en Irak du nord pour des raisons humanitaires et de lutte
antiterroriste,
reconnaissait récemment le ministre turc des Affaires
étrangères
Sukru Sina Gurel. (AFP, 12 octobre 2002)
La Turquie se mobilise contre une possible guerre en Irak
La mobilisation grandit en Turquie, tant de la part des autorités qu'au sein des état-majors politiques ou de la société civile, contre une possible intervention militaire américaine en Irak.
Le Parti de la Liberté et de la Solidarité (ÖDP, gauche, non représenté au Parlement) a organisé dimanche à Istanbul un rassemblement de plusieurs centaines de personnes contre une opération américaine, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.
Les manifestants ont crié les slogans "Nous ne serons pas les soldats des Américains", "USA, enlève tes mains du Moyen-Orient" ou "Sharon assassin, Bush assassin".
"Nous ne resterons pas spectateurs de tout cela au prétexte que les Etats-Unis veulent se rendre maîtres du pétrole de la région", a lancé le président de l'ÖDP, Ufuk Uras, cité par Anatolie.
Le vice-président du parti du Bonheur (SP, 48 députés sur un total de 550 sièges), Mehmet Bekaroglu, a lui estimé lors d'un meeting électoral à Rize que cette intervention américaine se traduirait par de "grandes pertes pour la Turquie", craignant que la carte des frontières régionales ne s'en trouve changée, rapporte Anatolie.
A Antalya, sur la côte méditerranéenne turque, l'Association de la pensée nationale a récolté quelque 11.500 signatures lors d'une campagne baptisée "non à la guerre", selon l'agence de presse.
Cette campagne montre que "le peuple est contre la guerre et il ne faut pas que la Turquie y prenne part", a déclaré son président, Mehmet Tosun, cité par Anatolie.
Samedi, la chambre des médecins d'Istanbul avait organisé une manifestation en blouse blanche contre l'opération militaire américaine avec des pancartes clamant que "la guerre est mauvaise pour la santé" et qu'il n'y avait "pas de médecins à envoyer sur le front".
La Turquie est opposée à une intervention contre son voisin irakien, craignant des retombées économiques désastreuses et la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant dans le nord de l'Irak.
"Nous ne voulons pas que nos jeunes se fassent tuer, nous avons déjà eu beaucoup de pertes humaines" en 15 ans de rébellion indépendantiste kurde, a déclaré le Premier ministre Bulent Ecevit dimanche dans un entretien sur la chaîne CNN-Turk.
Le vice-Premier ministre Mesut Yilmaz, pourtant,
a exprimé
dimanche un avis dissonant, estimant que la Turquie devait prendre part
à une action militaire aux côtés des
Américains,
car, "qu'elle y participe ou pas, elle en subirait les
conséquences".
(AFP, 13 octobre 2002)
Le sommet de l'ECO soutient l'Afghanistan sans action précise
Le sommet des chefs d'Etat des 10 pays de l'Organisation de coopération économique (ECO) s'est refermé lundi à Istanbul sur un soutien formel à la reconstruction de l'Afghanistan, mais sans moyen précis ni mesure concrète en ce sens.
"Les chefs d'Etat et chefs de délégation soutiennent les efforts de la République Islamique d'Afghanistan pour restaurer la paix et la stabilité (...) dans un pays ravagé par la guerre, ainsi que les efforts de reconstruction par l'établissement d'un fonds ECO", indique le communiqué final de la réunion.
Aucune décision n'a cependant été prise sur la constitution de ce fonds spécial, malgré les appels du président afghan Hamid Karzaï à la solidarité régionale et, hormis ce document écrit, les conclusions de ce sommet n'ont fait l'objet d'aucune conférence de presse.
"Nous prévoyons de mettre bientôt en place un groupe de travail qui décidera de la contribution qui sera possible pour chacun des pays", a simplement expliqué à l'AFP le ministre azerbaidjanais des Affaires étrangères Vilayat Guliyev.
De même, l'idée d'une conférence internationale visant à récolter une aide financière avancée vendredi par le chef de la diplomatie turque Sukru Sina Gurel semble avoir été abandonnée.
Le président afghan avait appelé plus tôt à "un plus haut degré d'assistance de la part de nos partenaires au sein de l'ECO" pour la reconstruction de son pays.
"La consolidation de la paix et de la stabilité dépend de la coopération régionale et de l'engagement soutenu de la communauté internationale pour la reconstruction de l'Afghanistan", selon M. Karzaï.
Mais les participants semblaient plus intéressés à tenir, toute l'après-midi durant, des rencontres bilatérales desquelles rien n'a filtré.
Un tête-à-tête entre les chefs d'Etat iranien Khatami et azerbaïdjanais Aliyev, portant sur leur différend sur la délimitation de la mer Caspienne et ses réserves en hydrocarbures, n'a pas plus fait l'objet de déclaration publique.
Le sommet de l'ECO réunissait le président turc, qui assure la présidence de l'organisation pour deux ans, et ses homologues afghan, pakistanais, iranien, azerbaïdjanais, kazak, kirghize et tadjik, le Turkménistan étant représenté par le vice-président de son conseil des ministres et l'Ouzbékistan par le président de son parlement.
Il s'est clôturé sans décision substantielle mais appelle à la "mise en oeuvre rapide" de précédents accords sur le commerce ou les transports, à "plus de progrès" dans la réalisation des projets énergétiques et "souhaite" la mise sur pied rapide de la banque de développement et de la compagnie d'assurances de l'ECO.
"La route est encore longue avant que l'ECO ne
devienne
vraiment une organisation économique vivante", a constaté
Pervez Musharraf. (AFP, 14 octobre 2002)
L'Iran opposé à la création d'un Etat kurde en Irak
Le président iranien Mohammad Khatami a affirmé mardi que la création d'un Etat kurde dans le nord de l'Irak constituerait une menace pour toute la région, rapporte l'agence Anatolie.
"Nous sommes opposés à la création d'un gouvernement par tout groupe, ethnique, religieux ou tribal. Ceci mettrait en danger la sécurité des pays de la région", a affirmé M. Khatami à la presse après des entretiens avec les présidents afghan Hamid Karzaï et tadjik Emomali Rakhmonov.
Les trois présidents ont participé lundi à Istanbul à un sommet de l'Organisation de la Coopération Economique (ECO) qui regroupe 10 pays allant de la Turquie au Pakistan.
M. Khatami a souligné que quatre pays de la région --l'Iran, l'Irak, la Syrie et la Turquie-- comptent une importante minorité kurde.
"Nous mêmes, la Turquie, l'Irak et la Syrie sommes opposés à ce qu'ils (les Kurdes) fassent sécession pour créer leur propre gouvernement", a affirmé le président iranien.
Les deux factions kurdes, qui contrôlent le nord de l'Irak depuis le fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991, viennent de tenir une réunion de leur "parlement" et ont appelé à une nouvelle constitution fédérale pour l'Irak.
La Turquie a averti à plusieurs reprises
qu'elle
interviendrait militairement plutôt que d'accepter une
entité
indépendante kurde à sa frontière. (AFP, 15
octobre
2002)
Un projet de gazoduc azéri-turc en difficulté, reconnaît le président Aliev
Le président azerbaïdjanais Heydar Aliev a reconnu mardi qu'un projet de construction de gazoduc entre son pays à la Turquie connaissait actuellement des difficultés.
Un consortium international mené par la compagnie pétrolière British Petroleum (BP) compte construire un gazoduc reliant Shah Deniz, un centre de production offshore en mer Caspienne, à Erzurum en Turquie par l'intermédiaire de la Géorgie, d'ici 2006.
Mais, a reconnu mardi M. Aliev en visite à Istanbul où il participait à un sommet regional: "Il y a des problèmes avec le gazoduc Bakou-Tbilissi-Erzurum".
"Il y a des problèmes avec la Turquie et avec nos partenaires étrangers", a-t-il indiqué.
"Le projet connaît des retards. Mais je suis sûr qu'en 2006 notre gaz commencera à être livré à la Turquie", a-t-il déclaré sans plus de précisions.
La compagnie BP a confirmé mardi que le consortium international ne prendrait sans doute pas de décision concernant Shah Deniz, dont les coûts de développement sont estimés à 3,2 milliards de dollars, avant l'an prochain.
BP avait indiqué auparavant qu'une décision serait prise en octobre.
"Il reste un certain nombre de questions en suspens", a indiqué un porte-parole de BP, se référant notamment à la participation financière de la compagnie pétrolière azerbaïdjanaise SOCAR.
"Les discussions se poursuivent. Ceci pourrait retarder une prise de décision jusqu'à l'an prochain, mais nous comptons toujours sur les premières livraisons de gaz à la Turquie en 2006", a-t-il déclaré.
La Turquie, qui connaît de graves difficultés économiques, souhaite actuellement réduire ses importations de gaz.
Ankara s'était engagé à acheter 25 milliards de m3 de gaz cette année à l'étranger, de Russie, d'Iran, d'Algérie et du Nigeria, selon une récente étude du Centre américain pour les études stratégiques et internationales.
Mais sa consommation de gaz, qui devait augmenter de 14,6 milliards de m3 en 2000 à 16,4 milliards l'an dernier, a souffert de la crise économique qui a entraîné une réduction de la production industrielle.
La Turquie et l'Iran ont signé la semaine dernière un accord prévoyant une baisse du prix ainsi que de la quantité du gaz livré par Téhéran à Ankara.
La Russie aurait également
récemment consenti
à une diminution de prix. (AFP, 14 octobre 2002)
Un responsable turc suggère une "protection" turque dans le nord de l'Irak
Le président ultranationaliste du parlement turc, Omer Izgi, s'est prononcé mercredi en faveur d'une "protection" turque de certaines villes du nord de l'Irak si les visées séparatistes des groupes kurdes de cette région allaient "trop loin".
"Si les choses vont trop loin dans le nord de l'Irak en ce qui concerne la création d'un Etat kurde -- ce que la Turquie ne permettra pas-- les villes de Kirkouk (nord), Mossoul (nord) et Soulaymanieh (nord-est) et leurs environs doivent absolument être contrôlées par la Turquie", a-t-il déclaré à la presse citée par l'agence Anatolie.
Il s'exprimait à Konya (centre), sa circonscription où il mène campagne pour les élections du 3 novembre.
"Les pays arabes doivent savoir que les forces turques n'iront pas dans ces villes comme une force d'occupation", a notamment affirmé M. Izgi.
Le responsable turc a souligné qu'il appartenait au gouvernement turc d'empêcher un possible Etat kurde d'attaquer la Turquie "par des armes qu'il pourrait acquérir par des ressources pétrolières des champs de Kirkouk et de Mossul".
Relevant que la Turquie ne voulait pas de guerre dans sa région et dans le nord de l'Irak, M. Izgi a ajouté :"Si nous sommes forcés à pénétrer dans le nord de l'Irak, nous ne seront pas des envahisseurs mais des protecteurs des Turcomans", une minorité turcophone d'Irak.
Ces déclarations interviennent à une moment où la Turquie fait état de son irritation face à une possible intervention américaine contre Bagdad qui pourrait déboucher sur la formation d'un Etat kurde indépendant au nord de l'Irak.
Ankara, qui a récemment reconnu disposer
d'une
présence militaire dans le nord de l'Irak, craint qu'un tel Etat
ne réveille les velléités séparatistes
d'une
partie de ses propres Kurdes, après 15 ans de rébellion
armée
jusqu'en 1999. (AFP, 16 octobre 2002)
L'Armenie soutient les aspirations européennes de la Turquie
Le ministre arménien de la Défense Serge Sarkissian a exprimé son soutien à "la marche européenne" de la Turquie, dans un entretien paru jeudi dans le quotidien grec Eleftherotypia, en espérant que cette perspective réduirerait les tensions entre Erevan et Ankara.
"La Turquie nous a encerclé, toutes nos frontières sont fermées, ce qui est une action hostile", a déclaré M. Sarkissian dans cet entretien, interrogé sur la perspective d'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne (UE).
Toutefois, "nous espérons que la marche de la Turquie vers l'UE va réduire ces problèmes", a-t-il souligné.
La Commission européenne s'est abstenue
la semaine
dernière, lors de la publication d'un rapport sur
l'élargissement
de l'Union européenne (UE), de donner un feu vert à
la Turquie pour des négociations d'adhésion à
l'UE,
ce qui a provoqué la vive réaction d'Ankara. (AFP, 17
octobre
2002)
Vive protestation grecque après un incident en mer Egée
Le gouvernement grec a vivement protesté vendredi contre une violation de son espace aérien par des avions militaires turcs qui ont, selon Athènes, perturbé jeudi le vol d'un hélicoptère civil dans le centre de la mer Egée.
"Il s'agit vraiment d'un acte inacceptable qui intervient dans une période particulièrement sensible", a affirmé le porte-parole du gouvernement, Christos Protopapas.
"La réponse grecque a été immédiate", a ajouté M. Protopapas, précisant que les avions de chasse grecs étaient intervenus pour repousser les appareils turcs et que le ministère des Affaires étrangères avait déjà protesté auprès des autorités turques.
Selon le quotidien To Vima (pro-gouvernemental) qui a révélé l'affaire, "des avions de chasse turcs équipés de missiles air-air se sont approchés jeudi soir dans le centre de l'Egée d'un hélicoptère civil grec transportant 36 passagers de Chios (île à l'est de la mer Egée) à Athènes", mettant en danger la sécurité du vol.
"Il s'agit de la plus grave provocation d'Ankara contre Athènes depuis deux ans, c'est-à-dire depuis que les deux pays ont lancé des procédures de rapprochement", affirme To Vima.
Sans donner de détails sur l'incident, M. Protopapas a confirmé "les faits relatés dans le journal."
Le service grec de l'aviation civil protestera
de son
côté auprès de l'Organisation internationale de
l'aviation
civile (ICAO), a indiqué le porte-parole grec. (AFP, 18 octobre
2002)
M. Simitis stigmatise "l'intransigeance" de la Turquie face à Chypre
Le Premier ministre grec, Costas Simitis, a stigmatisé vendredi "l'intransigeance" de la Turquie dans les négociations directes entre le président chypriote Glafcos Cléridès et le dirigeant chypriote-turc Rauf Denktash pour trouver un règlement sur l'île divisée.
"Alors qu'un progrès substantiel a été réalisé par la partie chypriote-grecque, Denktash reste intransigeant et la Turquie a une position négative (...) et donc il n'y a pas de progrès", a déclaré M. Simitis.
S'exprimant à l'issue d'une rencontre de plus d'une heure avec M. Cléridès en visite de deux jours à Athènes, M. Simitis a insisté sur le fait qu'il fallait continuer de soutenir "les efforts des Nations Unies dans le cadre des résolutions internationales pour arriver à un règlement".
MM. Simitis et Cléridès ont affirmé que Chypre traverse "une phase cruciale" tant sur le problème du règlement de la division de l'île que sur le processus de son adhésion à l'Union européenne (UE), dont le feu vert doit être donné en décembre, lors du sommet des Quinze à Copenhague.
"La marche pour l'adhésion de Chypre à l'UE se poursuit normalement et selon le rapport de la Commission européenne sur les pays candidats, Chypre est le premier pays parmi les dix qui remplisse les critères économiques et sociaux pour son adhésion", s'est félicité M. Simitis.
A la veille du référendum sur le Traité de Nice en Irlande, dont un "non" pourrait compliquer le processus d'élargissement de l'UE, M. Simitis a dit qu'il avait discuté avec Cléridès "des prochains pas" de leur stratégie commune.
Il a annoncé qu'il allait entamer en novembre une tournée européenne au cours de laquelle il rencontrera le président italien Silvio Berlusconi, le président français Jacques Chirac et le chancelier allemand Gerhard Schroeder, en vue du Sommet des Quinze.
L'adhésion de Chypre à l'UE, est
la "première
priorité" de la Grèce, qui espère que la signature
du traité d'élargissement avec les dix pays candidats
pourra
avoir lieu à Athènes en avril prochain, au cours de sa
présidence
de l'Union. (AFP, 18 octobre 2002)
La Turquie accuse les USA d'encourager l'indépendance des Kurdes irakiens
Le ministre turc des Affaires étrangères Sukru Sina Gurel a accusé dimanche les Etats-Unis de vouloir amener la Turquie à intervenir militairement dans le nord de l'Irak, en réactivant la question kurde, avant une éventuelle opération militaire américaine en Irak.
La Turquie, proche allié des Etats-Unis, craint que les deux factions kurdes contrôlant le nord de l'Irak depuis la guerre du Golfe en 1991 tentent de créer un Etat kurde. Elle a menacé de répondre militairement si un tel Etat était proclamé près de sa frontière.
"Dans toutes nos réunions, les responsables américains ont affirmé qu'ils ne voulaient pas d'un Etat kurde indépendant dans le nord de l'Irak, mais les événements là-bas montrent qu'un Etat existe de facto", a affirmé le ministre cité par le journal Milliyet.
"On se demande si les Etats-Unis n'essayent pas de provoquer Ankara en encourageant cette situation. Par exemple, est-ce qu'ils (les responsables américains) veulent que la Turquie envahisse le nord de l'Irak avant qu'ils interviennent? C'est peut-être leur but", a-t-il ajouté.
M. Gurel a rapidement précisé
qu'Ankara
interviendrait non pas à cause de "provocations et
d'encouragements
extérieurs", mais en cas de menace contre la Turquie en faisant
allusion à la rébellion kurde dans le sud-est du pays.
(AFP,
20 octobre 2002)
Achèvement de la contruction du gazoduc Russie-Turquie
La Turquie et la Russie ont célébré dimanche l'achèvement de la construction d'un gazoduc de 1.393 km qui doit acheminer la gaz natural de la mer Noire vers Ankara, a annoncé l'agence turque Anatolie.
A l'issue de deux ans de travaux, la section russe du pipeline, qui passe sous les eaux de la mer Noire, a été reliée au tronçon turc au cours d'une cérémonie officielle à Samsun (nord) à laquelle a participé le ministre turc de l'Energie Zeki Cakan.
La partie offshore du pipeline relie l'exploitation de gaz d'Izobilnoy dans le sud de la Russie à la province turque de Samsun sur les rivages de la mer Noire. La partie turquie relie Samsun à Ankara.
Le gazoduc, qui à certains endroits descend à une profondeur de 2.150 mètres au fond de la mer Noire, est le plus profond du monde.
Il doit devenir opérationnel en
décembre.
(AFP, 20 octobre 2002)
La Turquie ferme un aéroport civil proche d'une importante base aérienne
L'aéroport civil d'Adana, dans le sud de Turquie, proche de la ville où sont basés des avions militaires américains et britanniques surveillant le nord de l'Irak, sera fermé durant plusieurs mois pour "réparations", a rapporté lundi la presse turque.
Selon des sources aéronautiques locales contactées par l'AFP, cette fermeture n'aurait pas de liens avec une possible intervention américaine contre l'Irak proche et pour laquelle la base turque d'Incirlik, mitoyenne, pourrait éventuellement être utilisée.
Les journaux turcs évoquent une fermeture d'environ 3 mois, mais les sources que l'AFP a jointes sur place indiquent que la durée de ces travaux, portant "sur la piste et les équipements électroniques", n'est pas précisément estimée.
L'aéroport d'Adana reçoit quotidiennement 20 vols intérieurs (en provenance d'Ankara et Istanbul) ainsi qu'étrangers (en provenance d'Allemagne). Ils seront déroutés sur la ville de Gaziantep, à 150 kilomètres à l'est d'Adana.
La base d'Incirlik abrite elle depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991 les chasseurs bombardiers américains et britanniques qui assurent la surveillance de la zone d'exclusion aérienne en Irak, au nord du 36e parallèle.
La Turquie, membre de l'Otan et alliée des Etats-Unis, avait fourni un soutien logistique en 1991 à la guerre du Golfe contre l'Irak, mais s'oppose actuellement à une nouvelle intervention contre son voisin du sud.
Le chef du commandement central de
l'armée américaine,
le général Tommy Franks, a déclaré lundi
à
Ankara que son pays n'avait pas demandé à la Turquie de
mettre
des bases à sa disposition. (AFP, 21 octobre 2002)
Les Kurdes tentent une délicate réconciliation après les luttes meurtrières
Les deux principales factions contrôlant le Kurdistan irakien tentent sous le patronage des Etats-Unis une réconciliation compliquée par les luttes passées qui ont fait des milliers de morts.
"Il y a forcément des différences entre nous, et je n'essaierai pas de faire croire que nous sommes d'accord sur tout", déclare à l'AFP Barham Salih, premier ministre de l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK), rivale du Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK).
"Mais les deux partis comprennent leurs différences mieux qu'avant. Et ils font plus que simplement vouloir vivre avec leurs différences", ajoute-t-il quand on l'interroge au siège de son parti à Sulaimaniya sur la nécessité pour les Kurdes de s'unir en vue d'une attaque américaine contre l'Irak. "Le pronostic pour une réconciliation est bon, je crois", ajoute-t-il, car "l'opinion la soutient et l'occasion est trop favorable".
Le parlement kurde a approuvé le 4 octobre un accord conclu à l'instigation des Etats-Unis entre le chef de l'UPK Jalal Talabani et celui du PDK Massoud Barzani. Selon un responsable du PDK, il n'a pas fallu moins de 70 réunions de travail pour obtenir que les députés se retrouvent pour la première fois depuis six ans.
Le PDK, qui dénigre encore volontiers l'UPK comme un groupe gauchiste et urbain, et l'UPK, ancienne scission du PDK "bourgeois, féodal et tribal", s'étaient jusqu'alors livré une âpre bataille depuis que le Kurdistan avait échappé au contrôle du pouvoir central de Bagdad en 1991. Massoud Barzani était allé jusqu'à demander l'intervention des forces irakiennes de Saddam Hussein à Erbil pour en chasser l'UPK, au grand dam de Washington, contraint de rappeler son équipe de la CIA.
Aux termes de l'accord conclu le 8 septembre, le PDK et l'UPK doivent ouvrir la semaine prochaine des bureaux politiques sur le territoire de l'autre, géré dans les deux cas comme un fief médiéval au lien très relâché avec l'administration régionale.
Ils se sont aussi engagés à libérer les prisonniers du camp adverse, à restituer les biens saisis dans les affrontements et à faciliter les déplacements dans leur zone.
Jawher Nahmegh Salim, un adjoint de Massoud Barzani, croit non seulement que "ces accords vont tenir, mais que les relations vont encore s'améliorer".
Cependant, l'un des plus gros motifs de discorde, la levée des impôts, semble loin d'être résorbé. Le PDK contrôle l'ouest du Kurdistan, et donc les routes commerciales avec la Syrie, la Turquie et l'Iran ainsi que les taxes afférentes. "Ils (le PDK) se font des millions tous les jours. Il est convenu que nous partagions les revenus, mais pour l'instant ils ne partagent rien", récrimine un responsable de l'UPK.
Une autre source de querelle pourrait apparaître avec une attaque américaine, que PDK et UPK disent inévitable. Si le PDK et l'UPK se sont entendus pour préserver un Irak fédéral après la chute éventuelle de Saddam Hussein, la zone de Kirkouk, riche en pétrole et encore contrôlée par Bagdad, pourrait opposer, si elle tombait entre leurs mains, les deux organisations qui ont toutes deux déclaré la ville capitale d'une future région kurde.
Mais le PDK et l'UPK, qui partagent le rêve d'assurer au moins une plus grande autonomie, sinon l'indépendance, au Kurdistan, connaissent "l'impérieuse nécessité de s'unir au moment où l'Irak et la région vont au devant de changements fondamentaux", déclare Barham Salih.
Selon lui, "tous deux ont compris la
vanité des
conflits, l'avenir de notre peuple est en jeu et il faudrait être
aveugle pour nous détourner de notre grand dessein". (AFP, 23
octobre
2002)
Des Kurdes irakiens veulent apaiser Ankara, mais revendiquent Kirkouk
Des responsables du Parti démocratique du Kurdistan (PDK) ont assuré à la Turquie jeudi que les Kurdes d'Irak du nord ne recherchent pas l'indépendance, mais ils ont maintenu leurs revendications sur la ville de Kirkouk (nord), riche en pétrole.
"Notre objectif n'est pas de mettre en place un gouvernement ou une entité indépendant. Nous souhaitons résoudre ce problème dans le cadre d'un Irak unifié et démocratique", a dit à la presse le numéro deux du PDK, Nechirvan Barzani au terme d'un entretien avec des responsables du ministère turc des Affaires étrangères.
Ankara et le PDK, qui avec l'Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK) contrôle le nord de l'Irak depuis la fin de la guerre du Golfe en 1991, ont récemment échangé des vives critiques après que la presse eut affirmé que le PDK avait des visées séparatistes.
Ankara craint que la création d'un Etat kurde indépendant à ses frontières ne réveille les aspirations autonomistes des kurdes de Turquie.
Depuis leur réconciliation début octobre, et la reprise des travaux du "Parlement unifié" kurde à Erbil, le PDK et l'UPK s'attachent à rassurer leur voisin turc sur le fait qu'ils n'entendent pas proclamer un Etat kurde indépendant en cas d'intervention américaine en Irak.
Les deux factions ont toutefois annoncé dans un projet de constitution que la province de Kirkouk, riche en pétrole et toujours sous le contrôle de Bagdad, serait la capitale d'une future région kurde, provoquant l'ire d'Ankara, qui considère cette déclaration comme un pas de plus vers l'indépendance.
Pour M. Barzani, il ne s'agit que d'une "proposition, d'un projet" qui doit être discuté avec d'autre groupes de l'opposition irakienne.
Il a cependant souligné que "d'un point de vue géographique, Kirkouk est connu pour appartenir à la région du Kurdistan irakien".
Des responsables nationalistes turcs ont suggéré que l'armée turque saisisse Kirkouk et la ville voisine de Mossul avant que les Kurdes ne le fassent.
Lors de leur rencontre avec les diplomates
turcs, les
deux parties sont parvenues à "clarifier nombre de questions"
provoquées
par des "confusions" et des "malentendus", a souligné le
responsable
kurde, saluant la volonté réciproque de "remettre les
liens
bilatéraux dans le droit chemin". (AFP, 24 octobre 2002)
Chypre entre dans "une période critique" (responsable chypriote-grec)
Chypre entre dans "la période la plus critique" depuis la division de l'île en 1974, en raison des élections en Turquie et de la perspective de l'adhésion de la partie grecque dans l'Union européenne, a souligné vendredi le porte-parole du gouvernement chypriote-grec.
"Nous pensons que nous entrons dans une période très délicate", a expliqué M. Michalis Papapétrou devant des journalistes étrangers. "Cette période sera la plus critique depuis l'existence du problème chypriote", a-t-il ajouté.
La perspective des élections législatives début novembre en Turquie et ses conséquences politiques est un facteur d'incertitudes, de même que celle de l'adhésion de la République de Chypre à l'Union européenne, a-t-il ajouté.
S'agissant de cette adhésion, le gouvernement chypriote-grec continuera ses efforts en vue de trouver une solution avec la partie chypriote-turque. "Mais nous ne sommes pas prêts à la reddition ou à des arrangements inacceptables" pour adhérer à l'Union, a-t-il précisé.
Selon un projet de conclusions du sommet européen de Bruxelles diffusé vendredi, celui-ci réitère le souhait de voir une île de Chypre réunifiée adhérer à l'Union et celle ci est prête à fournir, en cas de règlement, plus de 200 millions d'euros entre 2004 et 2006 pour que le nord de l'île puisse "combler son retard".
"L'Union rappelle qu'elle préfèrerait voir un Etat de Chypre réunifié adhérer à l'Union européenne sur la base d'un règlement global", souligne le document, mais il précise qu'"en l'absence de règlement", le sommet européen de Copenhague en décembre devra se décider sur l'adhésion de Chypre conformément à ce qui a déjà été décidé par l'Union.
Les Quinze reconnaissent seulement les autorités chypriotes-grecques de Nicosie et ont souvent souligné qu'un règlement à la division de l'île entre Chypriotes grecs et Chypriotes turcs ne constituait pas un préalable à l'adhésion de Nicosie à l'Union.
M. Papapétrou a encore ajouté que son gouvernement souhaitait la poursuite des négociations directes entre le président chypriote-grec Glafcos Cléridès et le dirigeant chypriote-turc Rauf Denktash entamées en janvier cette année mais qui n'ont pour le moment donné aucun résultat tangible.
M. Papapétrou n'a pas caché son scepticisme quant aux chances de succès de ces négociations mais, a-t-il dit, "nous voulons persuader toute personne de bonne volonté sur cette planète que nous prenons part (à ces négociations) car nous souhaitons une solution".
Chypre est divisée depuis une
intervention militaire
turque en 1974, en réponse à un coup d'Etat de
nationalistes
chypriotes-grecs visant au rattachement de l'île à la
Grèce.
(AFP, 25 octobre 2002)
Turkey falling into the Iraq trap
In Iraq, we are drifting towards a "disaster", all of us together.
I am using the word "disaster" due to the current atmosphere of uncertainty. In the future, our fears may not materialize. One thing is certain, though. Currently, there is a totally chaotic situation.
The United States is determined. It is going to topple Saddam in this or that way.
The United States is going to topple Saddam, but how is it going to accomplish that?
Hitting Baghdad is not going to be as easy as destroying the Taliban and seizing Kabul. Look at any of the war scenarios. And you will see that each one is more dangerous than the other.
The Americans do not expect the Iraqi people to resist, not in a strong manner. They act with the assumption that once the operation begins, the Iraqi army will abandon Saddam.
What happens if these expectations are not fulfilled?
After Saddam gets ousted, the problems will only grow. Who will be in the government after Saddam departs? How will control be ensured?
Until a democratic system gets founded in iraq, Baghdad will remain under the occupation of the American troops.
How will that be accomplished?
Iraq is not Afghanistan.
Will the pro-Saddam circles in the country and those whose interests will be harmed by the collapse of the regime, merely watch the developments without doing anything?
Let us also take a look at the potential reactions abroad.
Would the Arab world merely watch the developments?
Or would they have an adverse reaction to the Americans, saying, "The Americans keep fighting against the Muslims all the time!"
Let us assume that the Arab world will be intimidated, that the Arabs will remain silent. What if the fundamentalist groups use that opportunity to fan the anti-American sentiments in the Arab world?
What shall we do if a stormy campaign gets launched against America and its allies?
All these questions remain unanswered.
Furthermore, unlike in the Gulf War, this time the United States is not getting support. Europe has a cold reaction. The United Nations is dragging its feet. The regional countries, starting with Turkey, declare their reluctance in a loud voice.
Yet, despite all this, the Bush Administration insists. They are saying, "We will hit Iraq even on our own."
I look at this scene and I conclude that we are heading for a disaster.
Now let us come to the situation in Northern Iraq. This is an even more complicated issue.
The USA pushing Turkey into this affair
The two Northern Iraqi leaders, Barzani and Talabani, want to use this time the chance they missed in the aftermath of the Gulf War in 1992.
They have lost nearly six months because they entered into a struggle with one another during the Gulf War. If they had acted otherwise they could have reached in 1993 or 1994 the position they currently hold.
Realizing at the end that they would not be able to beat one another, they decided to act together.
The draft constitution they have prepared is a description in writing of the status they have obtained since 1997. In recent years especially the Kurds have already practiced independence in reality.
They had just not "named" this process. They had refrained from doing that because they did not want to provoke Turkey-Iran-Syria and the Baghdad regime.
Kurds are better prepared this time.
The draft constitution will be reshaped and finalized according to the new order to be established in Baghdad in the aftermath of the U.S. operation.
Meanwhile, Turkey is up in arms.
Turkey seems to have lost control altogether.
Like a bystander, it is reacting in an odd and ineffective manner. It seems to be in a panic.
The prime minister says, on one hand, that he is against a U.S. intervention and, on the other hand, he says that Turkey is being helplessly pushed into a war.
Well, what is going to happen in Northern Iraq?
Ankara is getting prepared to knock on Washington's door. It will ask Washington to obstruct the Kurds' path.
But in that case, the United States would turn to Turkey and say, "If you want to keep the situation in Northern Iraq under control, act together with us. Help us overthrow Saddam," would it not?
Is not Turkey falling into its own trap?
Last weekend a meeting was held on the Iraq issue in Istanbul with the participation of the high-ranking figures from prominent nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) of America and Europe. We too were present. One of the speakers likened Saddam to an elephant.
Another speaker, that is, retired Ambassador onur Oymen, who is running for Parliament on a Republican People's Party (CHP) ticket, elaborated on that theme, saying, "If Saddam is an elephant, Turkey can be likened to a china shop."
No one could possibly have explained the
situation better.
(Mehmet Ali Birand, Turkish Daily News, October 15, 2002)
La Russie demande la fermeture des associations pro-tchétchènes en Turquie
La Russie a officiellement demandé à la Turquie d'interdire les associations pro-tchétchènes sur son sol, a affirmé mercredi l'ambassadeur de Russie à Ankara, Alexandre Lebedev, à l'agence Anatolie.
"Nous avons des preuves" que les preneurs d'otages à Moscou ont appelé au téléphone la Turquie, l'Arabie saoudite et les Emirats arabes unis, et ces preuves ont été transmises aux autorités turques, a indiqué l'ambassadeur.
"Il existe une diaspora en Turquie qui aide matériellement la Tchétchénie", a également affirmé l'ambassadeur qui souhaite que les autorités turques y mettent fin.
Une source diplomatique russe avait indiqué auparavant qu'une note diplomatique avait été remise le week-end dernier au ministère turc des Affaires étrangères demandant notamment la fermeture de la "représentation" tchétchène à Istanbul.
La Russie estime que la "soi-disant représentation tchétchène", installée depuis plusieurs années à Istanbul, était "en liaison étroite avec ceux qui ont commis l'acte terroriste" à Moscou, avait indiqué cette source.
La Russie a adressé des demandes semblables à plusieurs autres pays.
Plus d'une centaine d'otages ont trouvé la mort samedi à Moscou lors d'une opération des forces de sécurité russes pour libérer plusieurs centaines de personnes retenues par des extrémistes tchétchènes dans un théâtre de la ville.
Le ministère turc des Affaires étrangères a rappelé mercredi dans un communiqué qu'Ankara participait à la lutte internationale contre le terrorisme et que sa coopération était "appréciée par tous, y compris la Russie".
Le ministère s'est abtenu toutefois du moindre commentaire sur la demande russe.
De source diplomatique russe, on indique que des organisations privées turques soutiennent depuis des années la cause tchétchène, en aidant à son financement, au traitement de blessés évacués de zones de combat et aux liaisons extérieures.
"Il n'y a ici aucune espèce de bureau ou de représentation tchétchène, il n'y a que des associations qui n'ont rien à voir avec les événements récents," a affirmé mercredi à l'AFP Müktedir Ilhan, le vice-président de l'Association de solidarité tchétchène et caucasienne, dont le siège est à Istanbul.
"Nous ne faisons pas transiter des armes, nous distribuons du pain à environ un millier de personnes chaque jour", a ajouté M. Ilhan, de nationalité turque, dont l'officine est l'une des plus actives parmi les 80 organisations pro-tchétchènes en Turquie.
"Nous avons même des difficultés à faire accepter cela à l'Etat turc, qui nous a retiré l'an dernier l'autorisation de faire des collectes d'argent", a-t-il ajouté.
"Les Turcs empêchent même les responsables tchétchènes d'entrer sur le territoire, comme ce fut le cas récemment avec l'émissaire du président (Aslan) Maskhadov, Ahmed Zakaïev," selon M. Ilhan.
M. Zakaïev, a été arrêté dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi au Danemark à la demande des autorités russes.
La prise d'otages à Moscou n'était pas "une action commanditée depuis "le centre" (par la direction politique tchétchène), selon M. Ilhan.
Mais la direction tchétchène aura "de plus en plus de mal à prévenir ce genre d'actions", a-t-il ajouté, affirmant que 80.000 personnes ont été tuées en Tchétchénie depuis octobre 1999 (début de la 2ème guerre de Tchétchénie, ndlr), et 200.000 depuis le début de la guerre (la première guerre de Tchétchénie s'est déroulée de 1994 à 1996, ndlr).
Selon l'ambassadeur russe, cité par l'agence Anatolie, l'Association de solidarité tchétchène et caucasienne "est liée depuis des années aux terroristes tchétchènes et à Al-Qaïda" le réseau terroriste d'Oussama ben Laden. (AFP, 30 octobre 2002)
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